Draft:Chicago Workers Collaborative

Chicago Workers' Collaborative

Chicago Workers' Collaborative
AbbreviationCWC
Formation2000; 26 years ago (2000)
FounderTim Bell, Chris Williams
Founded atChicago, Illinois, US
TypeAdvocacy organization
Legal status501(c)(3) organization
Region served
United States
Director
  • Jose Frausto
Websitehttps://www.chicagoworkerscollaborative.org/
Formerly called
Chicago Area Worker Center

Chicago Workers' Collaborative (CWC) is a is a worker-led non-profit organization dedicated to promoting the rights of immigrant workers, particularly temp workers, across Chicagoland. It does this through education and leadership development, supporting workplace organizing, advocating for the passage of stronger state employment laws, and providing direct legal service on labor and immigration issues. The staff and leadership of the organization are largely immigrant workers and former temp workers themselves. Its offices are currently located in Berwyn, Elgin, and Waukegan.

History

CWC had its origins in the adult education program at Erie Neighborhood House in the 1990s, directed by Tim Bell.[1][2] Many students were Latin American immigrant workers who came to take ESL classes, and Bell and the leadership council at Erie House saw the need to develop curriculum around labor rights. Chris Williams, an adult educator who served as the president of the local AFSME union representing City College adult education teachers across the city, was brought in to give presentations on labor rights.[3][4] The Erie House labor rights program assisted many groups of workers, including those with unrepresentative or corrupt union locals. When some workers involved in Erie’s Houses’ labor rights program decided to pursue a union decertification campaign to replace their current union, their efforts drew backlash, including threats to Erie House itself. Wishing to protect Erie House and the government funding that supported its community programming, in 2000, Bell and Williams decided to create a separate organization dedicated to workers’ education and organizing, the Chicago Worker Center.[5] To meet the legal needs of the new worker center, Chris Williams decided to attend law school and in 2007 began a non-profit legal clinic, Working Hands Legal Clinic, serving CWC and other Chicago-based worker centers.[6][4]

In 2002, Chicago Worker Center joined several other Chicago-area organizations including the San Lucas Worker Center and Erie House to form the Day Labor Collaboration to advocate for stronger state-wide employment protections for temp workers.[2][7] At the time, “day labor” referred to both the informal street corner hiring of immigrant workers, as well as the more formal agencies that sent temp work out by shift to factories and warehouses across the region.[8] Temp agencies for blue collar workers multiplied dramatically in the 1990s, particularly in Latine communities, as a way for employers to lower costs, increase flexibility, and undercut unions.[9][10] After 9/11, another wave of mass firings of direct-employees took place as employers shifted to temp work to both cut costs and to provide legal cover for the hiring of undocumented workers. It was this response to 9/11 that convinced CWC leaders to focus on temp work.[11][12] [13] By 2005, the Chicago Worker Center and the Day Labor Collaboration had merged to become the Chicago Workers’ Collaborative.[14]

Since 2005, the organization has been crucial to the passage of state-wide legislation protecting the rights of temp workers, has helped many workers win individual and class action lawsuits and file unfair labor practices, it has supported workplace advocacy and unionization efforts, provided many trainings and popular education programs around labor and immigration rights, and organized protests and direct actions.

Regulating the Temp Industry

CWC has been crucial to the passage of some of the strongest state-wide regulations of the temp agency industry in the country, in particular the Illinois Day and Temporary Labor Services Act (IDTLSA) and several rounds of amendments to this Act. This law was originally passed in 1999 as the Illinois Day Labor Services Act (effective Jan. 1, 2000) and was renamed the Illinois Day and Temporary Labor Services Act in 2003. The law mandated temp agencies to provide a statement to the worker in advance of the job assignment with information about the job, work site, wages, and other key terms of employment; as well as a wage statement upon receipt of payment; the law limited fees for meals, transport, and equipment; and required registration of temp agencies with the state department of labor, among other provisions.[15][16][17] The first set of amendments passed in 2005 (effective January 1, 2006) strengthened the language around both the employment notice and wage receipts to be provided to the worker, and mandated the agency collect and keep detailed records for 3 years about each worker placed, including their race and gender. The law also forbade agencies from charging fees for transportation, and added safety regulations about transportation. It stated that a worker must be paid a minimum of 4 hours if they are contracted to work but then the company turns them away. It added a guarantee that after deductions for meals and equipment, workers’ pay may not fall below minimum wage, and added that agencies have to pay workers compensation insurance and unemployment insurance and fulfill their obligations as legal employers. It stated that client companies were required to ensure that agencies they worked with were registered and that client companies were equally liable for failure to adhere to wage payment and minimum wage laws, effectively placing companies on the hook for abuses of temp agencies. Finally, a process was added for temp workers to sue an agency for failure to comply, strengthening enforcement mechanisms.[18][14]

Continued advocacy led to passage to another set of amendments to the IDTLSA in 2017, effective June 1, 2018.[19] To address racial discrimination in hiring, it mandated that agencies annually report race and gender information, aggregated by branch office, of placed workers (but not all applicants, as CWC had been advocating) to the IL Department of Labor. To combat the proliferation of “perma-temping,” agencies needed to actively attempt to place temp worker in permanent position if client company indicates plans to make a permanent hire. To combat workplace injuries, it stated that an agency must provide information about safety, equipment, and training required for work. Finally, provisions were added that if an agency provides transport to site, they must provide transport back, and an agency cannot charge for credit reports, a criminal background check, or drug tests.[20][21][22]

A third major round of amendments passed in 2023 (effective 8/4/23). To close the large pay gap between temp and direct-hire workers and limit perma-temping, the law added an “equal pay” provision stating that after 90 days at third party client company, a temp worker needs to be paid same as direct employee, and also needed to be paid the hourly wage equivalent of benefits of permanent employee. To address unsafe working conditions, the law mandated that agencies provide their own safety training for general industry hazards, and placed responsibility for ensuring the safety of the worksites agencies send workers to, and it also added responsibilities to client companies for training and providing information to temp workers. It added section on the right of a temp worker to refuse a work assignment at the site of an active labor dispute. To make it easier for temp workers to sue over violations of the law, it added a provision allowing “interested parties” like worker centers to initiate civil action, instead of only the Illinois Department of Labor with limited staff. A section also increased fines for non-compliance, and another expanded the power of Attorney General to revoke registration.[23][24][25]

CWC has also worked to create a voluntary “seal of approval” program for temp agencies that follow the law. As described in 2019, the program would be administered by the state Labor Department, and already has the support of many nonprofits and some socially-responsible temp agencies. Worker advocates hope that they can pressure local governments and companies themselves to only use temp agencies with a seal of approval, and that the program would give “good agencies a chance to market themselves and get work.[26]

CWC has also advocated for national legislation to protect the rights of temp workers, including the Restoring Worker Power Act, H.R. 7638, introduced in 2020 by Joe Kennedy III (D-MA) and Emanuel Cleaver (D-MO).[27]

Wage Theft

CWC has successfully supported workers in winning back stolen wages. This is a major problem affecting low-wage immigrant workers, and takes the form of illegal tip pooling, not paying overtime or minimum wage, misclassifying employees as exempt from overtime pay, and not paying for travel time or missed meal breaks.[28] While filing a complaint with the Illinois Department of Labor remains the official channel for redress, this process can take months, requires several rounds of paperwork, and is not guaranteed to result in wage payment, which has led many worker centers to pursue other strategies for back pay – including protests, direct action, and lawsuits.[29] In 2011 alone, Chicago Workers’ Collaborative helped recoup $200,000 in owed wages.[30]

CWC has supported workers in multiple class-action lawsuits for unpaid wages: one in 2005 against Yoo’s Cleaners, an industrial cleaning company, on behalf of 24 workers, which was settled for $400,000;[31] in 2007 against temp agency Most Valuable Personnel (MVP) and some of its client companies on behalf of seven named plaintiffs;[32] another against Staffing Network in 2013.[33]

Despite the limitations of the IDOL process, CWC has also helped workers pursue wage theft claims. In 2005, CWC helped Rosa Ramirez and Jorge Ibarra, two openly undocumented immigrant workers, file a complaint with the IDOL against Oberweis Dairy and Patmar janitorial company, claiming that they were paid below the minimum wage. CWC also publicized this complaint because at the time, the owner Jim Oberweis was running as the Republican candidate for Governor on an openly anti-immigrant platform, and CWC wanted to highlight the hypocrisy of his position. With a day of the complaint going public, Oberweiss announced it was terminating its contract with Patmar.[34][35]Another example in 2023 was supporting Jose Neri in getting back pay after working for one week for a home and office cleaning business, but never receiving payment. With the help of CWC he reported his case to the IDOL, and about a year later received his pay.[28]

Workplace Safety

CWC has successfully supported workers in winning back stolen wages. This is a major problem affecting low-wage immigrant workers, and takes the form of illegal tip pooling, not paying overtime or minimum wage, misclassifying employees as exempt from overtime pay, and not paying for travel time or missed meal breaks.[28] While filing a complaint with the Illinois Department of Labor remains the official channel for redress, this process can take months, requires several rounds of paperwork, and is not guaranteed to result in wage payment, which has led many worker centers to pursue other strategies for back pay – including protests, direct action, and lawsuits.[29] In 2011 alone, Chicago Workers’ Collaborative helped recoup $200,000 in owed wages.[30]

CWC has supported workers in multiple class-action lawsuits for unpaid wages: one in 2005 against Yoo’s Cleaners, an industrial cleaning company, on behalf of 24 workers, which was settled for $400,000,[31] in 2007 against temp agency Most Valuable Personnel (MVP) and some of its client companies on behalf of seven named plaintiffs,[36]another against Staffing Network in 2013.[33]

Despite the limitations of the IDOL process, CWC has also helped workers pursue wage theft claims. In 2005, CWC helped Rosa Ramirez and Jorge Ibarra, two openly undocumented immigrant workers, file a complaint with the IDOL against Oberweis Dairy and Patmar janitorial company, claiming that they were paid below the minimum wage. CWC also publicized this complaint because at the time, the owner Jim Oberweis was running as the Republican candidate for Governor on an openly anti-immigrant platform, and CWC wanted to highlight the hypocrisy of his position. With a day of the complaint going public, Oberweiss announced it was terminating its contract with Patmar.[34][37]Another example in 2023 was supporting Jose Neri in getting back pay after working for one week for a home and office cleaning business, but never receiving payment. With the help of CWC he reported his case to the IDOL, and about a year later received his pay.[28]

CWC was instrumental in the passage of amendments to the Illinois Wage Payment and Collection Act in 2010 to improve the process for wage-theft claims. The amendments included: allowing the IDOL to adjudicate cases involving $3,000 or less, instead of only the Illinois Attorney General’s Office; allowing workers to pursue back pay from individual owners, in cases of bankruptcy; a new fee of $250 for employers if found liable for owing wages; increasing the penalty for repeat offenders from a misdemeanor to a felony; and allowing workers to recover legal fees if they filed a lawsuit.[29] Despite these new regulations, the wage-theft claim process through the IDOL worsened over the next seven years: according to a Chicago Reporter investigation, wait times had increased (average 9 month wait in 2017 instead of 7 months in 2010), more claims were dismissed (58% in 2017 compared to 41% in 2010), and the number of wage claims had decreased by 40% since 2010.[38]

Workplace Safety

CWC has also advocated for improved workplace safety and training for temp workers. In addition to advocating for increased safety and training provisions in the 2018 and 2023 amendments to the IDTLSA, they have helped numerous workers file lawsuits who experienced safety and health violations on the job. In 2024, under the new provision of state law that allows “interested parties” to act on behalf of workers, CWC brought a lawsuit against Ferrera Candy claiming that the company violated the IDTLSA by not providing information to staffing agencies it contracted about the “anticipated job hazards likely encountered by the temporary laborers before the laborers are assigned” or “provide specific training to temporary staffing agency workers assigned to Ferrara tailored to the particular hazards at the Ferrara worksite, including when job assignments changed.” It also claims that the two agencies, PeopleShare and Multi-Temps, failed to provide temp workers adequate information about a potential assignment and what to do in case they encountered hazardous conditions.[39]

CWC also offers workplace safety trainings, including an OSHA safety training and OSHA 10 General Industry Certification,[40] and the organization participated in the OSHA Workers’ Voice Summit in 2023.[41]

Anti-Black Discrimination

From the start, CWC has sought to organize Black temp workers as well as predominantly Latine immigrant workers, and build solidarity between the two groups.[42] Black workers seek employment through temp agencies at much higher rates than other workers, but anti-black discrimination has been a consistent problem in the temp industry.[43] Client companies often request immigrant Latine workers and refuse Black workers, and temp agencies comply with company requests. Since the 1990s temp agencies have also chosen to locate in predominantly Latine neighborhoods and avoid Black neighborhoods.[44] This has created hostility between Black and Latino workers, but CWC’s position is that both can be united by focusing on the root cause of the problem: abusive employers and temp agencies.[45]

In 2015, in an effort to combat anti-Black discrimination and build solidarity between Black and Latino temp workers, CWC began a policy campaign advocating for a state bill to require temp agencies to report the race and gender of each applicant seeking employment to the Illinois Department of Labor.[46] This was Senate Bill 47, sponsored by State Rep Ken Dunkin, a Democrat from Chicago.[47] The temp industry lobby, however, was strongly opposed and feared the bill would fuel discrimination lawsuits against them. A 2016 Reveal investigative report provided evidence that Rep. Luis Arroyo received payments and campaign contributions from temp industry lobbyists. Rep Arroyo argued against the bill in a Labor and Commerce Committee hearing, claiming that the bill would hurt his Latine constituents.[6] Ultimately, the bill failed due to the temp industry convincing key lawmakers that the bill would hurt Latine workers.[48]

But CWC continued to organize, helping to craft a new bill in 2017 that not only included race and gender reporting requirements but many other provisions to help temp workers, which Tim Bell argued would widen its appeal.[49] The bill was sponsored by Carol Ammons, a Democrat representing Champagne Urbana.[21] Ultimately this bill became the Responsible Jobs Creation Act, a new set of amendments to the Illinois Day and Temp Labor Services Act (effective 6/1/2018) that, among other provisions, required agencies to annually report race and gender information about all placed workers, although not all applicants as CWC had been advocating.[50][51]

The demographic information reported by temp agencies to the state of Illinois as a result of this law was the data used for a report CWC helped write in 2020, Race, to the Bottom: The Demographics of Blue-Collar Staffing, based on 2019 data.[52] The report found that 83% of blue-collar temp assignments are staffed by nonwhite workers (compared to making up just 35% of the overall Illinois workforce), and found that Black and Latine workers were significantly overrepresented among temp workers, at much higher levels than national Bureau of Labor Statistics reported.[53]

In 2013, CWC helped workers file a class-action lawsuit against Gold Standard Bakery, an industrial bakery, as well as MVP, a temp agency, charging that Black workers were systematically discriminated against: denied jobs, denied promotion opportunities, and/or placed in the worst jobs.[54] CWC also supported worker actions against the bakery: in 2016, Barry Rose, a Black direct-hire worker who started as a temp at Gold Standard Bakery, and five other co-workers brought a petition about various health and safety problems and discrimination in hiring directly to bakery management and the temp agency, and CWC helped organize a delegation of supporters and community members to join in support.[55] Nearly a decade later, although not admitting any wrong-doing, Gold Standard and MVP agreed to a settlement of over $1 million.[54]

Another class action lawsuit in 2013 charged Ferrara Candy and two staffing agencies, REM and Labor Power, with discriminating against Black workers. Two of the named plaintiffs, Brian Lucas and Aronzo Davis claimed that the staffing agencies were complying with a request from the company to avoid Black workers.[56] In 2016, Ferrera, REM and Labor Power did not admit wrongdoing but agreed to a $1.5 million settlement.[57]

CWC has also been instrumental in providing strong evidence for anti-Black discrimination through assistance in conducting a matched pair experiment that involved sending both Black and Latine workers to the same temp agencies. This experiment led to the report in 2021, Opening the Door: Ending Racial Discrimination in Industrial Temp Hiring Through Innovative Enforcement, which reported that 62% of temp agencies engaged in some form of racial discrimination, 38% against Black workers in particular.[58]

Immigrant Rights

CWC has pushed back against the use of “no match” letters to threaten or fire workers. After 9/11, the Social Security Administration sent out unprecedented numbers of no-match letters indicating a discrepancy between SSA records and employee identification information.[59][60] This discrepancy did not necessarily mean the employee was undocumented: a 2006 finding by the SSA found that 12.7 million of the 17.8 million discrepancies in SSA’s database belonged to native-born workers.[61] But these letters have been used by employers to harass or fire Latine workers. In August of 2007, the Department of Homeland Security issued new, much stricter regulations about employers’ response to no-match letters.[62][63] CWC responded to these new regulations, in conjunction with United Electrical Workers (UE), by organizing a rapid-response network of hundreds of activists across the Chicagoland region, the Chicago Committee Against No Match. This committee launched a hotline (1-888-DIGNIDAD) that workers could call to connect the worker with legal support and/or, for larger groups of workers, mobilize a larger response including petitions, direct actions to draw media attention, or employee walk outs and strikes. By late 2007, the rapid-response network had saved 351 workers their jobs. Examples included workers at food-container packaging company, Peacock Packaging, that attempted to use no-match letters to justify the firing and replacement of hundreds of direct-hire workers with temps, but successful legal pressure and a threatened walk-out prevented this.[61] In 2008, CWC helped 70 workers at Proex Inc. packaging plant organize a strike to protest the firing of 10 workers after the company received no-match letters.[64]

CWC also championed Illinois SB2339, a new state law that amended the Right to Privacy in the Workplace Act to prohibit employers from taking adverse action against an employee solely based on receipt of a discrepancy notification from a federal agency.[65]

CWC also defended immigrant workers who were disciplined or fired for attending the immigrant rights marches in Chicago in the Spring of 2006. Organizations like CWC helped mobilize attendance these marches, which across the country represented one of the largest mass mobilizations in the United States since the Vietnam War.[66] Attendance at demonstrations is protected activity under the National Labor Relations Act, and employers are not allowed to penalize employers differently depending on the reason for absence.[67] In March 2006, CWC helped successfully reinstate 28 workers who had been fired from the Universal Form Clamp Company in Bellwood, Illinois, for attending the immigrant rights rally that month, by assisting those workers file a retaliation charge with the NLRB, a discrimination charge with the EEOC, and publicizing the employers’ actions via a press conference on March 17.[68] As a member of the National Workers Defense Committee, CWC also helped coordinate a national response to employer violations of worker rights, including filing a national unfair labor practice charge against employers who fired or retaliated against workers for their attendance.[67]

CWC also helped organize rallies in opposition to workplace ICE raids. In April 20, 2006, CWC held a rally at the Broadview Department of Homeland Security detention facility in response to nation-wide raids on IFCO Systems plants, including the arrest of 30 workers at their McKinley Park facility. CWC argued this crackdown, one of the largest by federal agents in the past year, were being used to intimidate workers after the immigrants’ rights marches.[69] CWC also participated in the nation-wide rallies in June 2025 protesting Trump’s deployment of troops in Los Angeles as part of his federal immigration crack-down.[70]

CWC has also helped organize rallies in opposition to state-level anti-immigration legislation. In July 2010, CWC took part in a rally inside City Hall in support of a federal judge’s injunction of parts of Arizona SB 1070 immigration restriction law, part of the national day of action opposing the law across the country.[71]

Sexual Harassment and Gender Discrimination

CWC has also supported workers standing up to sexual harassment and gender violence in the workplace. The organization has a Women Workers Committee in which women strategize about how to address violence at work as well as domestic violence at home. CWC has helped workers file criminal complaints against sexual harassment and assault, including a successful case in August of 2016 in which a van driver for the temp agency Most Valuable Personnel was sentences to six months jail time for assaulting a woman worker.[55]

In October of 2018, CWC helped organize, along with Centro de Trabajadores Unidos and representatives from 8 other immigrant rights organizations, a protest inside the Purple Pig, a popular restaurant, to demand that the restaurant address a sexual harassment complaint filed with the Illinois Department of Human Rights in August by Rodrigo Soto, a former busboy. Soto claimed that he experienced harassment for 3 months but nothing occurred when he complained to management. Tim Bell, who spoke to a restaurant employee during the action in the restaurant, requested that the restaurant strengthen and enforce its sexual harassment policy, provide meaningful training that addresses the root causes of sexual harassment and legal protections, provide a public statement holding themselves accountable to take action against ongoing sexual harassment, and quickly and justly resolve Rodrigo Soto’s sexual harassment claims as well as address other workplace issues including the lack of lunch and bathroom breaks and intimidation.[72]

In May 2019, CWC began working with women temp workers at Voyant Beauty, a beauty products company, hired by the temp agency Alternative Staffing, experiencing a range of unsafe and unlawful working conditions, including sexual harassment. The company was formerly Vee Pack Industries that lost a racial discrimination lawsuit in 2018, and depositions for this lawsuit exposed gender discrimination practices as well. Workers who went along with the sexual harassment or assault were placed on safer lines or given safety equipment, while those who resisted were put on more difficult lines or asked not to return. In 2019, workers gathered 50 signatures on a petition demanding an end to sexual harassment, including “Voyant Beauty employees touching us in our private parts, making obscene comments and gestures, and creating a hostile work environment which is toxic and extraordinarily traumatic,” which they delivered to Voyant’s corporate office in July 2019. When the owner of Voyant cancelled a meeting with the workers, they held a protest in front of the plant. In response, 8 of the workers most active in the organizing effort were told there was no more work for them at Voyant. CWC helped these workers filed a complaint with the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission, citing sexual harassment, a hostile work environment, and retaliation, as well as with the NLRB for gender discrimination and retaliation. They also held a rally outside of Victoria’s Secret in downtown Chicago, a client of Voyant Beauty, to draw public attention. The NLRB found in favor of these workers, who were reinstated to Voyant with back pay plus interest. These workers continued to organize to address workplace harassment. In August of 2020, Illinois Attorney General announced a settlement, including the implementation of a two-year independent monitor to protect workers from further harassment and retaliation.[73][74]

CWC’s 2021 report on hiring discrimination based on race in the temp industry was mentioned in press coverage of consent decrees reached with three companies (Fibre Drum Sales Inc., DSI Holdings Corp., and Amylu Foods LLC) and one staffing agency (Alternative Staffing) for allegations of workplace segregation and sex discrimination when hiring, and for which the companies agreed to pay $280,000 in civil penalties.[75]

Transportation of Temp Workers

Another focus of CWC advocacy has been on the system of transportation for temp workers to and from work assignments. Because staffing agency transportation fees would often push temp workers wages below minimum wage, the 2006 amendments to the IDTLS Act outlawed staffing agencies charging temp workers for transportation. However, in response to this regulation, many staffing companies began referring their workers to informal “raiteros,” or drivers, for transportation instead.[76] In many cases staffing companies and raiteros still work very closely together: agencies might provide applications so the raiteros can recruit workers; agencies might inform raiteros the number of workers needed at each worksite; temp workers might pick up their checks from raiteros directly rather than the agency itself; temp agencies might even provide the raiteros with vans to use.[77] In this “underworld of labor brokers”[77] there are also safety concerns: there have been cases of raiteros driving unregistered vehicles without licenses, overcrowding people into vehicles, and crashes leading to injuries.[78][79]

In 2016, Chris Williams filed two lawsuits against five different staffing firms (Ron's Temporary Help Services, SureStaff, and Flexible Staffing Services, Axcess Staffing and Quality Staffing Group) and three currency exchanges (26th and Central Park Currency Exchange, Multi-Servicios Latino, and Order Express), and several van drivers, charging that they were part of a scheme to unlawfully charge workers for rides and a fee to cash checks, violating provisions of the Illinois Day and Temp Labor Services Act and Illinois Currency Exchange Act. Charging workers for these items, the lawsuit claims, means that workers are paid less than minimum wage, violating state minimum wage laws. The lawsuit also charges racketeering, alleging that agencies and exchanges conspired together to save costs and increase profits.[76]

References

  1. ^ Carillo, Arturo (2017). Chicago’s Worker Center Movement: A Structural Analysis (PhD thesis). University of Illinois, Chicago. p. 84-85.
  2. ^ a b Casillas, Ofelia (October 1, 2002). "City Seeks to Alter New Law Regulating Day Labor System". The Chicago Tribune.
  3. ^ Carillo, Arturo (2017). Chicago’s Worker Center Movement: A Structural Analysis (PhD thesis). University of Illinois, Chicago. p. 85.
  4. ^ a b Quigley, Bill (December 6, 2017). "Teacher, Union Leader, Labor Lawyer: Profile of Chris Williams Social Justice Advocate". HuffPost. Retrieved July 22, 2026.
  5. ^ Carillo, Arturo (2017). Chicago’s Worker Center Movement: A Structural Analysis (PhD thesis). University of Illinois, Chicago. p. 87.
  6. ^ a b Evans, Will (June 13, 2016). "Kill Bill: How Illinois' Temp Industry Lobbying Quashed Reform". Reveal. Retrieved July 22, 2026.
  7. ^ Jervis, Rick (October 29, 2003). "Day Laborers Win in Bias Case ; EEOC Rules against Racial, Sexual Profiling by Office Finding Jobs for Temporary Workers". Chicago Tribune.
  8. ^ Osterman, Rachel (August 3, 2003). "Uphill Climb from Streets to Halls ; Chicago's Day Laborers Find Support in Several Places, but Their Voices May Not Be Heard until Their Factions Unite". Chicago Tribune.
  9. ^ Peck, Jamie; Theodore, Nikolas (1998). "The Business of Contingent Work: Growth and Restructuring in Chicago's Temporary Employment Industry". Work, Employment and Society. 12 (4): 655-674.
  10. ^ Peck, Jamie; Theodore, Nikolas (2001). "Contingent Chicago: Restructuring the Spaces of Temporary Labor". International Journal of Urban and Regional Research. 25 (3): 471-96.
  11. ^ Carillo, Arturo (2017). Chicago’s Worker Center Movement: A Structural Analysis (PhD thesis). University of Illinois, Chicago. p. 110.
  12. ^ Grabell, Michael (June 27, 2013). "The Expendables: How the Temps Who Power Corporate Giants Are Getting Crushed,". ProPublica. Retrieved July 22, 2026.
  13. ^ Peck, Jamie; Theodore, Nikolas (2001). "Contingent Chicago: Restructuring the Spaces of Temporary Labor". International Journal of Urban and Regional Research. 25 (3): 488.
  14. ^ a b Slife, Erika (August 10, 2005). "New Law Protects Day Laborers ; State Wants Workers to Be Treated Fairly". Chicago Tribune.
  15. ^ Cordero-Guzmán, Hector; Martin, Nina; Quiroz-Becerra, Victoria; Theodore, Nik (2008). "Voting With Their Feet: Nonprofit Organizations and Immigrant Mobilization". American Behavioral Scientist. 52 (4): 598–617. doi:10.1177/0002764208324609.
  16. ^ Day and Temporary Labor Services Act (Public Act 91-579). Illinois General Assembly. 1999. 820 ILCS 175. Retrieved July 23, 2026.
  17. ^ Day and Temporary Labor Services Act (Public Act 92-783). Illinois General Assembly. 2002. 820 ILCS 175. Retrieved July 23, 2026.
  18. ^ Day and Temporary Labor Services Act (Public Act 94-511). Illinois General Assembly. 2005. 820 ILCS 175. Retrieved July 23, 2026.
  19. ^ Day and Temporary Labor Services Act (Public Act 100-0517). Illinois General Assembly. 2017. 820 ILCS 175. Retrieved July 23, 2026.
  20. ^ Schuhrke, Jeff (October 4, 2017). "A Trailblazing New Law in Illinois Will Dramatically Expand Temp Workers' Rights". In These Times.
  21. ^ a b Evans, Will (September 26, 2017). "Illinois Temp Workers Win New Protections". Reveal.
  22. ^ Galvin, Daniel (2024). Alt-Labor and the New Politics of Workers’ Rights. Russell Sage Foundation. p. 5.
  23. ^ An Act concerning regulation (Public Act 103-0437). Illinois General Assembly. 2023. 820 ILCS 175. Retrieved July 23, 2026.
  24. ^ Blumberg, Nick (August 1, 2023). "New Measure Aims to Protect Illinois Temp Workers". WTTW.
  25. ^ Soglin, Talia; Rodríguez Presa, Laura (August 5, 2023). "Governor Signs Law to Strengthen Protections for Ill. Temp Workers". Chicago Tribune.
  26. ^ Roeder, David (May 26, 2019). "Seal of Approval' Sought to Curb Abuses at Temporary Staffing Firms". Chicago Sun-Times.
  27. ^ Yang, Jenny R.; Williamson, Molly Weston; Steward, Shelly; Brown, K. Steven; Greenberg, Hilary; Shakesprere, Jessica (December 8, 2020). Reimagining Workplace Protections: A Policy Agenda to Meet Independent Contractors' and Temporary Workers' Needs (Report). Washington, D.C.: Urban Institute. Retrieved July 23, 2026.
  28. ^ a b c d De Mar, Megan; Thompson, Carol; Hacker, Chris (January 30, 2023). "Feds retrieve nearly $400,000 in unpaid wages for Aurora store employees". CBS News. Retrieved July 22, 2026. Cite error: The named reference "De Mar" was defined multiple times with different content (see the help page).
  29. ^ a b c Zamudio, María Inés (March 1, 2012). "Waiting In Vain". The Chicago Reporter. Retrieved July 22, 2026.
  30. ^ a b Zamudio, María Inés (March 1, 2012). "Getting Back Pay". The Chicago Reporter. Retrieved July 22, 2026.
  31. ^ a b Olivo, Antonio (November 9, 2009). "Learning to Cool Worker Tensions: Korean Business Owners Taking Spanish Classes to Connect". Chicago Tribune.
  32. ^ "Unpaid Earnings Alleged in Lawsuit ; Day Workers Say Problem Is Frequent". Chicago Tribune. April 3, 2007.
  33. ^ a b Zamudio, María Inés (April 9, 2014). "Reclaiming Wages a Tough Road for Temp Workers". The Chicago Reporter. Retrieved July 22, 2026.
  34. ^ a b Avila, Oscar (November 9, 2005). "Immigrants File Labor Complaint against Oberweis ; Workers Say They Cleaned Stores for Sub-Minimum Wage,". Chicago Tribune.
  35. ^ Avila, Oscar (November 10, 2005). "Oberweis Ends Pact with Immigrants' Firm,". Chicago Tribune.
  36. ^ "Unpaid Earnings Alleged in Lawsuit ; Day Workers Say Problem Is Frequent". Chicago Tribune. April 3, 2007.
  37. ^ Avila, Oscar (November 10, 2005). "Oberweis Ends Pact with Immigrants' Firm". Chicago Tribune.
  38. ^ Sanchez, Melissa; Kiefer, Matt (August 9, 2017). "Wage theft victims have little chance of recouping pay in Illinois". Chicago Reporter.
  39. ^ Blumberg, Nick (December 3, 2024). "Ferrara Candy Didn't Properly Educate Temp Workers, Lawsuit Says". WTTW.
  40. ^ "Organizing and Advocacy". Retrieved August 19, 2026.
  41. ^ Kerson, Roger; Vasquez, Diana (2023). "Workers Speak Out at OSHA's First Workers' Voice Summit". NEW SOLUTIONS: A Journal of Environmental and Occupational Health Policy. 33 (2–3): 154-157.
  42. ^ Galvin, Daniel (2024). Alt-Labor and the New Politics of Workers’ Rights. Russell Sage Foundation. p. 3.
  43. ^ Elejalde-Ruiz, Alexia (February 24, 2021). "Experiment Sets out to Prove Temp Agency Bias: Workers, Activists Have Alleged Discrimination against Black Applicants". Chicago Tribune.
  44. ^ Peck, Jamie; Theodore, Nikolas (2001). "Contingent Chicago: Restructuring the Spaces of Temporary Labor". International Journal of Urban and Regional Research. 25 (3): 487-91.
  45. ^ Galvin, Daniel (2024). Alt-Labor and the New Politics of Workers’ Rights. Russell Sage Foundation. p. 3.
  46. ^ Galvin, Daniel (2024). Alt-Labor and the New Politics of Workers’ Rights. Russell Sage Foundation. p. 4.
  47. ^ "Bill Could Track Race of Would-Be Temp Staff". Chicago Tribune. May 15, 2015.
  48. ^ Galvin, Daniel (2024). Alt-Labor and the New Politics of Workers’ Rights. Russell Sage Foundation. p. 4.
  49. ^ Evans, Will (January 27, 2017). "New Bill Aims to Stop Discrimination and Exploitation in the Temp Industry". Chicago Reporter. Retrieved July 22, 2026.
  50. ^ Elejalde-Ruiz, Alexia (February 23, 2021). "Temp Agencies Have Long Been Accused of Discriminating against Black Job Applicants. An Experiment Set out to Prove It". Chicago Tribune.
  51. ^ Day and Temporary Labor Services Act (Public Act 100-0517). Illinois General Assembly. 2017. 820 ILCS 175. Retrieved July 23, 2026.
  52. ^ DeSario, Dave; White, Jannelle (November 2020). Race, to the Bottom: The Demographics of Blue-Collar Temporary Staffing. Temp Worker Union Alliance Project.
  53. ^ Sandronsky, Seth (November 27, 2020). "The Plight of Blue-Collar Temp Workers". Counterpunch.org. Retrieved July 22, 2026.
  54. ^ a b Blumberg, Nick (November 14, 2022). "Chicago Bakery, Staffing Company Move to Settle Discrimination Lawsuit Brought by Black Temp Workers". WTTW.
  55. ^ a b Singh, Sonia (December 7, 2016). "A Home Base for Temp Worker Organizing". Labor Notes.
  56. ^ Cancino, Alejandra (November 23, 2014). "Factories Filled by Temp Agencies the New Normal: Labor Advocates Say Practice Saves Manufacturers Money, Hides Discriminatory Hiring". Chicago Tribune.
  57. ^ Hendrickson, Matthew (January 5, 2016). "Workers Settle Lawsuit with Ferrara Candy for $1M". Forest Park Review.
  58. ^ Scott, Brittany (2021). Opening the Door: Ending Racial Discrimination in Industrial Temp Hiring Through Innovative Enforcement. Partners for Dignity & Rights.
  59. ^ Sheridan, Mary Beth (August 6, 2002). "Records Checks Displace Workers". Washington Post.
  60. ^ Sheridan, Mary Beth (June 18, 2003). "Social Security Scales Back Worker Inquiries". Washington Post.
  61. ^ a b Mead-Lucero, Jerry (November 26, 2007). "Setting Up No-Match Action Networks". Labor Notes.
  62. ^ Buff, Rachel Ida (2008). "The Deportation Terror". The American Quarterly. 60 (3): 548.
  63. ^ Fox, Kimberly (2009). "Building on a Broken Employer Sanctions System: The Impact of the Bush Administration's SSA No-Match Letter Proposal". Harvard Law and Policy Review. 3.
  64. ^ "70 Workers Leave Plant to Aid Fired Peers". Chicago Tribune. February 26, 2008.
  65. ^ Ganchan, Leigh; Geeta, Shah; Ogletree, Deakins, Nash, Smoak & Stewart, P.C. (July 10, 2026). "Illinois Amends Right to Privacy in the Workplace Act to Require Handling ID Discrepancy Notifications". The National Law Review. Vol. XVI, no. 191.{{cite news}}: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)
  66. ^ Cordero-Guzmán, Hector; Martin, Nina; Quiroz-Becerra, Victoria; Theodore, Nik (2008). "Voting With Their Feet: Nonprofit Organizations and Immigrant Mobilization". American Behavioral Scientist. 52 (4): 599. doi:10.1177/0002764208324609.
  67. ^ a b Rose, Barbara (May 4, 2006). "Barbara Rose, "Reports of Firings in Wake of March; Group to File Unfair Labor Practice Charge". Chicago Tribune.
  68. ^ Ahmed, Noreen (May 17, 2006). "Rally Participants Lose Jobs: 28 Workers Complain to 2 Federal Agencies". Chicago Tribune.
  69. ^ Avila, Oscar (April 20, 2006). "Oscar Avila, "U.S. Nabs Illegal Immigrants after Nationwide Raid on Firm". Chicago Tribune.
  70. ^ Rodríguez Presa, Laura (June 12, 2025). "Chicagoans Continue Protests against Trump and ICE Thursday as Demonstrators Rally across US". Chicago Tribune.
  71. ^ Schlikerman, Becky (July 30, 2010). "City Hall Ralliers Hail Ariz. Ruling: Immigration Groups Also Back Council's Boycott Resolution,". Chicago Tribune.
  72. ^ Elejalde-Ruiz, Alexia (October 12, 2018). "Activists Interrupt Dinner at Mag Mile Restaurant [Corrected 10/13/2018]". Chicago Tribune.
  73. ^ Sanchez, Melissa (August 28, 2020). "Temp Workers Fight Back Against Alleged Sexual Harassment and Say They Face Retaliation for Doing So". ProPublica.
  74. ^ Cunningham, Bianca (February 21, 2020). "Women Confront Ugly Harassment at Beauty Products Plant". Labor Notes.
  75. ^ Salfiti, Zinya (April 1, 2021). "Staffing Agency, 3 Companies Settle Sex Discrimination Claims,". Chicago Sun-Times.
  76. ^ a b Elejalde-Ruiz, Alexia (January 27, 2017). "How Does One Survive Here?': Lawsuits Allege van Drivers, Staffing Agencies, Currency Exchanges Conspire to Skim off Factory Workers' Paychecks". Chicago Tribune.
  77. ^ a b Grabell, Michael (April 29, 2013). "Taken for a Ride: Temp Agencies and 'Raiteros' in Immigrant Chicago". ProPublica.
  78. ^ Mihalopoulos, Dan; Starks, Carolyn (July 24, 2001). "Temp Agency Probed in Crash". Chicago Tribune.
  79. ^ Starks, Carolyn (October 9, 2001). "Employment Firm Cleared in Crash". Chicago Tribune.

Content Disclaimer

Informasi ini disarikan dari Wikipedia dan disajikan kembali untuk tujuan edukasi. Konten tersedia di bawah lisensi CC BY-SA 3.0. Kami tidak bertanggung jawab atas ketidakakuratan data yang bersumber dari kontribusi publik tersebut.

  1. The information displayed on this website is sourced in part or in whole from Wikipedia and has been adapted for the purpose of restating it. We strive to provide accurate and relevant information, however:
  2. There is no guarantee of absolute accuracy. Wikipedia is an open, collaborative project that can be edited by anyone, so information is subject to change.
  3. It is not intended to constitute professional advice. The content displayed is for informational and educational purposes only. For important decisions (e.g., medical, legal, or financial), please consult a professional.
  4. Content copyright. Wikipedia is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike License (CC BY-SA). This means that content may be reused with appropriate attribution and shared under a similar license.
  5. Responsible use. Any risk arising from the use of information from this website is entirely the responsibility of the user.