Historian George E. Mowry called Byrnes "the most influential Southern member of Congress between John Calhoun and Lyndon Johnson".[3] In the Senate, Byrnes supported the policies of his longtime friend, President Franklin D. Roosevelt. Byrnes championed the New Deal and sought federal investment in South Carolina water projects. He also supported Roosevelt's foreign policy, calling for a hard line against the Axis powers. He also opposed some of the labor laws proposed by Roosevelt, such as the Fair Labor Standards Act, which established a minimum wage that hurt his state's competitive advantage of very low factory wages. Roosevelt appointed Byrnes to the Supreme Court in 1941 but asked him to join the executive branch after America's entry into World War II. During the war, Byrnes led the Office of Economic Stabilization and the Office of War Mobilization. He was a candidate to replace Henry A. Wallace as Roosevelt's running mate in the 1944 election, but instead Harry S. Truman was nominated by the 1944 Democratic National Convention.
After Roosevelt's death, Byrnes served as a close adviser to Truman and became U.S. Secretary of State in July 1945. In that capacity, Byrnes attended the Potsdam Conference and the Paris Peace Treaties, 1947; however, relations between Byrnes and Truman soured, and Byrnes resigned from the Cabinet in January 1947. He returned to elective politics in 1950 by winning election as the governor of South Carolina. As governor, he opposed the Supreme Court decision in Brown v. Board of Education and sought to establish "separate but equal" as a realistic alternative to the desegregation of schools. Though he remained a Democrat himself, he endorsed most Republican presidential nominees after 1948 and supported Strom Thurmond's switch to the Republican Party in 1964.
In 1900, Byrnes's cousin, Governor Miles B. McSweeney, appointed him as a clerk for Judge Robert Aldrich of Aiken. As he needed to be 21 to take this position, Byrnes, his mother, and McSweeney changed his date of birth to that of his older sister, Leonora.[10] He later apprenticed to a lawyer, then a common practice, read for the law, and was admitted to the bar in 1903. In 1908, he was appointed solicitor for the second circuit of South Carolina and served until 1910.[11] Byrnes was a protégé of "Pitchfork Ben" Tillman and often had a moderating influence on the fiery segregationist Senator.
Byrnes proved a brilliant legislator, working behind the scenes to form coalitions, and avoiding the high-profile oratory that characterized much of Southern politics. He became a close ally of US President Woodrow Wilson, who often entrusted important political tasks to the capable young Representative, rather than to more experienced lawmakers. In the 1920s, he was a champion of the "Good Roads Movement", which attracted motorists and politicians to large-scale road building programs.
United States Senate and Supreme Court
In 1924, Byrnes declined renomination to the House and instead sought nomination for the Senate seat held by incumbent Nathaniel B. Dial though both were former allies of the now-deceased "Pitchfork Ben" Tillman. Anti-Tillmanite and extreme racist demagogue Coleman Blease, who had challenged Dial in 1918, also ran again. Blease led the primary with 42 percent. Byrnes was second with 34 percent. Dial finished third with 22 percent.[12]
Byrnes was opposed by the Ku Klux Klan, which preferred Blease. Byrnes had been raised as a Roman Catholic, and the Klan spread rumors that he was still a secret Catholic. Byrnes countered by citing his support by Episcopal clergy. Three days before the run-off vote, 20 Catholics who said that they had been altar boys with Byrnes published a professed endorsement of him. That group's leader was a Blease ally, and the "endorsement" was circulated in anti-Catholic areas.[13] Blease won the runoff 51% to 49%.[12]
After his House term ended in 1925, Byrnes was out of office. He moved his law practice to Spartanburg, in the industrializing Piedmont region. Between his law practice and investment advice from friends such as Bernard Baruch, Byrnes became a wealthy man, but he never excluded himself from a return to politics. He cultivated the Piedmont textile workers, who were key Blease supporters. In 1930, he challenged Blease again. Blease again led the primary, with 46 percent to 38 percent for Byrnes, but this time, Byrnes won the runoff 51 to 49 percent.[14]
During his time in the Senate, Byrnes was regarded as the most influential South Carolinian since John C. Calhoun.[15] He had long been friends with Franklin Roosevelt, whom he supported for the Democratic nomination in 1932, and made himself Roosevelt's spokesman on the Senate floor, where he guided much of the early New Deal legislation to passage. He won an easy re-election in 1936, promising:
I admit I am a New Dealer, and if [the New Deal] takes money from the few who have controlled the country and gives it back to the average man, I am going to Washington to help the President work for the people of South Carolina and the country.
Since the colonial era, South Carolina's politicians had dreamed of an inland waterway system that would not only aid commerce but also control flooding. By the 1930s, Byrnes took up the cause for a massive dam-building project, Santee Cooper, that would not only accomplish those tasks but also electrify the entire state with hydroelectric power. With South Carolina financially strapped by the Great Depression, Byrnes managed to get the federal government to authorize a loan for the entire project, which was completed and put into operation in February 1942. The loan was later paid back to the federal government with full interest and at no cost to South Carolina taxpayers. Santee Cooper has continued to be a model for public-owned electrical utilities worldwide.
In 1937, Byrnes supported Roosevelt on the highly-controversial court packing plan, but he voted against the 1938 Fair Labor Standards Act, as a minimum wage would potentially make the textile mills in his state uncompetitive. He opposed Roosevelt's efforts to purge conservative Democrats in the 1938 primary elections. On foreign policy, Byrnes was a champion of Roosevelt's positions of helping the United Kingdom against Nazi Germany in 1939 to 1941 and of maintaining a hard diplomatic line against Japan. In this context he denounced isolationist Charles Lindbergh on several occasions.[16]
Byrnes despised his fellow South Carolina Senator "Cotton Ed" Smith, who strongly opposed the New Deal.[19] He privately sought to help his friend Burnet R. Maybank, then the Mayor of Charleston, defeat Smith in the 1938 Senate primary. During the primary, however, Olin Johnston, who was limited to one term as governor, decided to run for the Senate. Because Johnston was also a pro-Roosevelt New Dealer,[19] he would have divided the New Deal vote with Maybank and ensured a victory for Smith. Johnston was also supportive of the New Deal's labor legislation,[20] but Byrnes's support was limited,[20] and a series of labor strikes in the fall of 1937 made Byrnes withdraw consideration for potentially endorsing Johnston.[21] Taking advice from Byrnes, Maybank decided to run for governor instead, and Byrnes made the reluctant decision to support Smith.[22] Byrnes envisioned that Smith would retire in 1944 and that Maybank would successfully run for Smith's Senate seat and build a strong political machine in the state with him.[22]
Byrnes left the Supreme Court to head Roosevelt's Office of Economic Stabilization, which dealt with the vitally-important issues of prices and taxes.[11] How powerful the new office would become depended entirely on Byrnes's political skills, and Washington insiders soon reported that he was fully in charge. In May 1943, he became head of the Office of War Mobilization, a new agency that supervised the Office of Economic Stabilization.[25] Under the leadership of Byrnes, the program managed newly constructed factories across the country that used raw materials, civilian and military production, and transportation for United States Armed Forces personnel and was credited with providing the employment that was needed to bring an official end to the Great Depression.[26][27][28] Thanks to his political experience, his probing intellect, his close friendship with Roosevelt, and in no small part his own personal charm, Byrnes was soon exerting influence over many facets of the war effort that were not technically under his departmental jurisdiction. Many in Congress and the press began referring to Byrnes as the "Assistant President."[28][29]
Many expected that Byrnes would be the Democratic nominee in 1944 for vice president in Franklin D. Roosevelt's 1944 reelection campaign,[29] replacing Henry A. Wallace, who was strongly felt by party officials to be too eccentric to replace an ailing president who would likely die before his next term ended.[30] Roosevelt refused to endorse anybody other than Wallace. He had a personal preference for US Supreme Court justice William O. Douglas. Byrnes was on Roosevelt's list but was hardly his first choice. In a July meeting at the White House, the party bosses pressed hard for Senator Harry S. Truman of Missouri, and Roosevelt issued a statement saying he would support either Truman or Douglas. Byrnes was regarded as too conservative for organized labor; some big city bosses opposed him as an ex-Catholic who would offend Catholics; and blacks were wary of his opposition to racial integration.[30] In short, Byrnes never had a serious chance at being nominated for vice president, and the nomination went instead to Truman. Roosevelt brought Byrnes to the Yalta Conference in early 1945 in which he seemed to favor Soviet plans. Written in shorthand, his notes comprise one of the most complete records of the "Big Three" Yalta meetings. At the same time, Byrnes did not participate in the foreign ministers' meetings or the direct meetings between Roosevelt, Winston Churchill, and Joseph Stalin. After the Conference, he was influential in convincing the U.S. Congress and the general public to accept the terms of the agreement.[31]
In 1945, Byrnes was awarded the Distinguished Service Medal by President Truman for his work in the Office of War Mobilization.
Byrnes, World War II and the atomic bomb
As head of the wartime Office of War Mobilization, Byrnes provided oversight, material and financial resources for the high priority Manhattan Project.[32]
It was Byrnes who shared information with the new president on the atomic bomb project (until then, Truman had known nothing about the Manhattan Project).[34]
Upon his succession to the presidency after Roosevelt's death, on April 12, 1945, Truman relied heavily on Byrnes's counsel, Byrnes having been a mentor to Truman from the latter's earliest days in the Senate.[35][36] Indeed, Byrnes was one of the first people seen by Truman on the first day of his presidency.[34] When Truman met Roosevelt's coffin in Washington, he asked Byrnes and former Vice President Wallace, the two other men who might well have succeeded Roosevelt, to join him at the train station.[34] Truman originally intended for both men to play leading roles in his administration to signal continuity with Roosevelt's policies. Truman quickly fell out with Wallace but retained a good working relationship with Byrnes and increasingly turned to him for support.[34]: 388
Truman appointed Byrnes as US Secretary of State on July 3, 1945.[37] Despite personally objecting to any guarantees of retaining Hirohito, Byrnes remained ambiguous on that point in a draft reply to Japan's offer of surrender of August 10.[38] As Secretary of State, he was first in line to the presidency (until adoption of the 1947 succession act) since there was no Vice President during Truman's first term. He played a major role at the Potsdam Conference, the Paris Peace Conference, and other major postwar conferences. According to historian Robert Hugh Ferrell, Byrnes knew little more about foreign relations than Truman. He made decisions after consulting a few advisors, such as Donald S. Russell and Benjamin V. Cohen. Byrnes and his small group paid little attention to the State Department experts and similarly ignored Truman.[39]
Because Byrnes had been part of the US delegation at Yalta, Truman assumed that he had accurate knowledge of what had transpired. It would be many months before Truman discovered that not to be the case. Nevertheless, Byrnes advised that the Soviets were breaking the Yalta Agreement and that Truman needed to be resolute and uncompromising with them.
[40]
Truman was rapidly moving toward a hardline position on Soviet intentions in Eastern Europe and Iran, but Byrnes was much more conciliatory. The distance between them grew and ties of personal friendship weakened. In late 1945, Byrnes argued with Soviet Foreign Minister Viacheslav Molotov over Soviet pressures on Bulgaria and Romania. Byrnes sent Mark Ethridge, a liberal journalist, to investigate; Ethridge found conditions were indeed bad. Ethridge wrote a damning report, but Byrnes ignored it and instead endorsed a Soviet offer. Truman read Ethridge's report and decided that Byrnes's softline approach was a failure and that the US needed to stand up to the Kremlin.[43]
Personal relations between the two men grew strained, particularly when Truman felt that Byrnes was attempting to set foreign policy by himself and to inform the President only afterward. An early instance of the friction was the Moscow Conference in December 1945. Truman considered the "successes" of the conference to be "unreal" and was highly critical of Byrnes's failure to protect Iran, which was not mentioned in the final communiqué. "I had been left in the dark about the Moscow conference," Truman told Byrnes bluntly.[44] In a subsequent letter to Byrnes, Truman took a harder line in reference to Iran: "Without these supplies furnished by the United States, Russia would have been ignominiously defeated. Yet now Russia stirs up rebellion and keeps troops on the soil of her friend and ally— Iran. .. Unless Russia is faced with an iron fist and strong language another war is in the making. Only one language do they understand.... I do not think we should play compromise any longer.... I am tired of babying the Soviets".[45] That led to the Iran crisis of 1946 in which Byrnes took an increasingly hardline position in opposition to Stalin, culminating in a speech in Germany on September 6, 1946. The "Restatement of Policy on Germany," also known as the "Speech of Hope", set the tone of future US policy by repudiating the Morgenthau Plan, an economic program that would permanently deindustrialize Germany. Byrnes was named TIME Man of the Year. Truman and others believed that Byrnes had grown resentful that he had not been Roosevelt's running mate and successor and so was showing disrespect to Truman. Whether or not that was true, Byrnes felt compelled to resign from the Cabinet in 1947 with some feelings of bitterness.
Governor of South Carolina
Byrnes was not yet ready to give up public service. At 68, he was elected Governor of South Carolina in the 1950 gubernatorial election and served from 1951 to 1955. Supporting segregation in education, the Democratic governor stated in his inaugural address:
Whatever is necessary to continue the separation of the races in the schools of South Carolina is going to be done by the white people of the state. That is my ticket as a private citizen. It will be my ticket as governor.
Byrnes was initially seen as a relative moderate on race issues. Recognizing that the South could not continue with its entrenched segregationist policies much longer but fearing that Congress would impose sweeping change upon the South, he opted for a course of change from within. To that end, he sought to fulfill at last the "separate but equal" policy that the South had put forward in Supreme Court civil rights cases, particularly in regard to public education. Byrnes poured state money into improving black schools, buying new textbooks and new buses, and hiring additional teachers. He also sought to curb the power of the Ku Klux Klan by passing a law that prohibited adults from wearing a mask in public on any day other than Halloween; he knew that many Klansmen feared exposure and would not appear in public in their robes unless their faces were hidden as well. Byrnes hoped to make South Carolina an example for other Southern states to follow in modifying their "Jim Crow" policies. Nonetheless, the NAACP sued South Carolina to force the state to desegregate its schools. Byrnes requested Kansas, a Midwestern state that also segregated its schools, to provide an amicus curiae brief in supporting the right of a state to segregate its schools. That gave the NAACP's lawyer, Thurgood Marshall, the idea to shift the suit from South Carolina over to Kansas, which led directly to Brown v. Board of Education, a decision that Byrnes vigorously criticized.
In his later years, Byrnes foresaw that the American South could play a more important role in national politics. To hasten that development, he sought to end the region's nearly-automatic support of the Democratic Party, which Byrnes believed had grown too liberal and took the "Solid South" for granted at election time but otherwise ignored the region and its needs.
In 1965, Byrnes spoke out against the "punishment" and the "humiliation" of South Carolina US Representative Albert Watson, who had been stripped of his congressional seniority by the House Democratic Caucus after endorsing Goldwater for president. Byrnes openly endorsed Watson's retention in Congress as a Republican in a special election held in 1965 against Democrat Preston Callison. Watson secured $20,000 and the services of a Republican field representative in what he termed "quite a contrast" to his treatment from Democratic House colleagues.[48][49]
In 1948, Byrnes and his wife established the James F. Byrnes Foundation Scholarships, and since then, more than 1,000 young South Carolinians have been assisted in obtaining a college education. His papers are in Clemson University's Special Collections Library.
Byrnes' portrait hangs in the South Carolina Senate chambers.[50]
^The Making of a Cold Warrior: James F. Byrnes and American-Soviet Relations, 1945-1946 by Robert Louis Messer: University of California, Berkeley, 1978. pg. 3
^The Making of a Cold Warrior: James F. Byrnes and American-Soviet Relations, 1945-1946 by Robert Louis Messer: University of California, Berkeley, 1978
^Ransom, William L. (1944). "Frank J. Hogan, 1877-1944". ABA Journal. 30 (7): 393–395. JSTOR25714990.
^James L. Underwood (December 15, 2013). Deadly Censorship. The University of South Carolina Press. p. Note 4. ISBN978-1-61117-300-0. Archived from the original on November 8, 2021. Retrieved February 11, 2016.
^ ab"Byrnes, James Francis". Biographical Directory of the U.S. Congress. Office of the Clerk. Archived from the original on November 4, 2011. Retrieved January 9, 2012.
^ ab"Report of the Secretary of State to the General Assembly of South Carolina. Part II." Reports of State Officers Boards and Committees to the General Assembly of the State of South Carolina. Volume I. Columbia, SC: 1925, p. 59.
^Pope, Thomas H. The History of Newberry County, South Carolina: 1860–1990. p. 110
^"Supplemental Report of the Secretary of State to the General Assembly of South Carolina." Reports of State Officers Boards and Committees to the General Assembly of the State of South Carolina. Volume I. Columbia, SC: 1931, p. 3.
^Lee, Joseph Edward (April 1995). "Book Reviews and Notes - Sly and Able: A Political Biography of James F. Byrnes". South Carolina Historical Magazine. 96 (2). South Carolina Historical Society: 174–176. JSTOR27570082.
^ abHerman, Arthur. Freedom's Forge: How American Business Produced Victory in World War II, pp. 189-90, 247, 330, Random House, New York, NY. ISBN978-1-4000-6964-4.
^ abLeRoy Ashby (September 2, 2012). "American Dreamer: The life and times of Henry A. Wallace". The Journal of American History. 88 (4). Jah.oxfordjournals.org: 1586. doi:10.2307/2700719. JSTOR2700719.
^Reynolds, David (2009). Summits: Six Meetings That Shaped the Twentieth Century. New York: Basic Books. pp. 146-147. ISBN0-7867-4458-8. OCLC646810103.
^"James F. Byrnes". Atomic Heritage Foundation. 2024. Retrieved March 2, 2024.
^Messer, Robert L. (1982). The End of an Alliance: James F. Byrnes, Roosevelt, Truman, and the Origins of the Cold War. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press. p. 13. ISBN0-8078-7921-5. Cited in reliance on citation in Lifton, Robert J.; Mitchell, Greg (1995). Hiroshima in America, Fifty Years of Denial. G. P. Putnam's Sons. p. 136 (footnote, Byrnes "as a kindly 'older brother' to Truman" in the Senate). ISBN0-399-14072-7.
^Gar Alperovitz, "The Decision to Use the Atomic Bomb" (New York: Vintage Books, 1996)
^"A revealing moment during Byrnes' swearing-in ceremony as secretary of state offers insight into the relationship [between President Harry S. Truman and Byrnes]: The diary of Byrnes' friend and assistant Walter Brown records that 'when the oath was completed, the President said, "Jimmy, kiss the Bible." He did and then handed it over to the President and told him to kiss it, too. The President did so as the crowd laughed l ..." Gar Alperovitz, The Decision to Use the Atomic Bomb and the Architecture of an American Myth (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1995, p. 197).
^Spector, Ronald H. (2007). In the ruins of empire : the Japanese surrender and the battle for postwar Asia (1st ed.). New York. pp. 4, 5. ISBN978-0-375-50915-5.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link)
^Lamis, Alexander (1988). The Two-Party South. New York: Oxford University Press. pp. 15–16.
^Billy Hathorn, "The Changing Politics of Race: Congressman Albert William Watson and the South Carolina Republican Party, 1965-1970", South Carolina Historical Magazine Vol. 89 (October 1988), p. 230
^Congressional Quarterly Weekly Report, Vol. 23 (June 18, 1965), p. 1185; Bernard Cosman and Robert J. Huckshorn, eds., Republican Politics: The 1964 Campaign and Its Aftermath for the Party (New York: Praeger, 1968), pp. 147–148
Abraham, Henry J., Justices and Presidents: A Political History of Appointments to the Supreme Court. 3d. ed. (New York: Oxford University Press, 1992). ISBN0-19-506557-3.
Anderson, David L. "Byrnes, James Francis (02 May 1882–09 April 1972), U.S. senator and secretary of state" American National Biography (1999)
Burns, Richard. "James Byrnes." in Norman A. Graebner, ed. An Uncertain Tradition: American Secretaries of State in the Twentieth Century (1961). pp 223–44.
Clements, Kendrick A., ed., James F. Byrnes and the Origins of the Cold War (1982)
Curry, George. James F. Byrnes (1965) online, a scholarly biography
Hopkins, Michael F. "President Harry Truman's Secretaries of State: Stettinius, Byrnes, Marshall and Acheson." Journal of Transatlantic Studies 6.3 (2008): 290–304.
Messer, Robert L. The End of an Alliance: James F. Byrnes, Roosevelt, Truman, and the Origins of the Cold War (1982)
Morgan, Jr., Curtis F. James F. Byrnes, Lucius Clay and American Policy in Germany, 1945-1947. (Edwin Mellen Press, 2002).
Robertson, David. Sly and Able: A Political Biography of James F. Byrnes (1994)
Ward, Patricia Dawson. The Threat of Peace: James F. Byrnes and the Council of Foreign Ministers, 1945–1946 (1979)
Berbagai macam pipet Pipet, atau alat penetes cairan kimia, adalah alat laboratorium yang digunakan untuk memindahkan volume cairan terukur. Penggunaan dan keanekaragaman Ilmuwan menggunakan pipet di sebuah laboratorium di Rusia. Pipet biasa digunakan dalam pengujian-pengujian biologi molekular, kimia analitik, juga kedokteran. Pipet dibuat dalam berbagai macam jenis untuk tujuan yang berbeda-beda dengan tingkat ketelitian dan ketepatan yang berbeda-beda pula, mulai dari pipet beling tunggal sam…
1960 film For other uses, see Third Voice (disambiguation). The 3rd VoiceTheatrical release posterDirected byHubert CornfieldWritten byHubert CornfieldBased onAll the Wayby Charles WilliamsProduced byHubert CornfieldMaury DexterStarringEdmond O'BrienJulie LondonLaraine DayCinematographyErnest HallerEdited byJohn A. BushelmanMusic byJohnny MandelProductioncompanyAssociated Producers Inc.Distributed by20th Century FoxRelease date March 5, 1960 (1960-03-05) (New York City) Runnin…
French dish Pommes AnnaAlternative namesAnna potatoesPlace of originFranceMain ingredientsPotatoes, butter Media: Pommes Anna Pommes Anna, or Anna potatoes, is a classic French dish of sliced, layered potatoes cooked in a very large amount of melted butter. Ingredients The recipe calls for firm-fleshed potatoes and butter only. Potatoes are peeled and sliced very thin. The slices, salted and peppered, are layered into a pan (see below), generously doused with clarified butter, and bake…
Abdallah Said Abdallah Said (2018)Informasi pribadiNama lengkap Abdallah SaidTanggal lahir 13 Juli 1985 (umur 38)Tempat lahir Ismailia, MesirTinggi 176 cm (5 ft 9 in)Posisi bermain GelandangInformasi klubKlub saat ini Al AhlyKarier senior*Tahun Tim Tampil (Gol)2018 – Al Ahly 0 (0)Tim nasional2008 – Mesir 38 (6) * Penampilan dan gol di klub senior hanya dihitung dari liga domestik Abdallah Said (lahir 13 Juli 1985) adalah seorang pemain sepak bola berkewarganegaraan Mesir …
Juansih Informasi pribadiLahir2 Agustus 1964 (umur 59)Majalengka, Jawa BaratSuami/istriIr. Teddy SupriadiAlma materSepa (1989)Karier militerPihak IndonesiaDinas/cabang Kepolisian Negara Republik IndonesiaMasa dinas1989—2022Pangkat Inspektur Jenderal PolisiSatuanPendidikan PolriSunting kotak info • L • B Irjen. Pol. (Purn.) Dr. Dra. Juansih, S.H., M.Hum. (lahir 2 Agustus 1964) adalah seorang Purnawirawan Polri yang sebelumnya menjabat sebagai Widyaiswara Kepolisian …
James MasonMajalah Camera, 1922LahirJames Pier Mason(1889-02-03)3 Februari 1889Paris, PrancisMeninggal7 November 1959(1959-11-07) (umur 70)Hollywood, California, Amerika SerikatPekerjaanPemeranTahun aktif1914–1952 James Pier Mason (3 Februari 1889 – 7 November 1959) adalah seorang pemeran Amerika Serikat.[1] Ia tampil dalam 173 film antara 1914 dan 1952. Filmografi pilihan Film Tahun The Good Bad-Man 1916 On the Level 1917 Nan of Music Mountain 1917 Headin' So…
Departemen Kereta Api Negeri SabahIkhtisarStatusBeroperasiLokasiKota Kinabalu, SabahStasiun17 (3 tidak digunakan)OperasiDibuka1896PemilikJabatan Kereta Api Negeri SabahOperatorJabatan Kereta Api Negeri SabahDepoTanjung AruData teknisPanjang lintas134 km (83 mi)Lebar sepurSempit (1,000 mm)Kecepatan operasi80 km/h (50 mph) Departemen Kereta Api Negeri Sabah adalah sebuah departemen dalam Pemerintah Negeri Sabah, Malaysia, yang mengelola sistem jaringan kereta api di Sabah. Ia m…
William O'Bryen DruryWilliam O'Bryen DruryMeninggal6 Maret 1811Pengabdian Kerajaan InggrisDinas/cabang Angkatan Laut KerajaanPangkatLaksamana MudaKomandanHMS PowerfulPangkalan Laut India TimurPerang/pertempuranPerang Revolusi Prancis• Pertempuran CamperdownPerang Napoleon• Invasi Île de France Laksamana Muda William O'Bryen Drury (meninggal 6 Maret 1811) adalah perwira tinggi Angkatan Laut Kerajaan Inggris selama Perang Napoleon. Karier Drury menjadi komandan kapal HMS ''Powerful'' selama P…
جاكوب أرمينيوس (باللاتينية: Jacobus Arminius) معلومات شخصية الميلاد 20 أكتوبر 1560(1560-10-20)آودافاتر الوفاة 19 أكتوبر 1609 (48 سنة)ليدن مواطنة جمهورية هولندا الحياة العملية المدرسة الأم جامعة ليدن مشرف الدكتوراه رودولف سينل المهنة عالم عقيدة [لغات أخرى]، وأستاذ جامعي…
Segelas tawny port Port wine (juga dikenal sebagai vinho do Porto, pengucapan bahasa Portugis: [ˌviɲu duˈpoɾtu], atau disingkat port) adalah sebuah anggur terfortifikasi Portugis yang diproduksi di Lembah Douro, utara Portugal.[1] Minuman tersebut biasanya adalah anggur merah manis, seringkali disajikan sebagai anggur hidangan penutup, meskipun terkadang juga ada dalam varietas kering, semi-kering dan putih. Anggur terfortifikasi gaya port lainnya diproduksi di luar Portugal, ya…
Ottmar Hitzfeld Informasi pribadiNama lengkap Ottmar HitzfeldTanggal lahir 12 Januari 1949 (umur 75)Tempat lahir Lörrach, Jerman BaratTinggi 176 m (577 ft 5 in)Posisi bermain StrikerKarier junior1960–1967 TuS Stetten1967–1968 FV LörrachKarier senior*Tahun Tim Tampil (Gol)1971–1975 Basel 92 (66)1975–1978 Stuttgart 77 (38)1978–1980 Lugano 55 (35)1980–1983 Luzern 72 (30)Total 296 (169)Tim nasional1972 Olimpiade Jerman 6 (5)Kepelatihan1983–1984 Zug1984–1988 Aara…
Hubungan Singapura–Thailand Singapura Thailand Misi diplomatik Kedubes Singapura, Bangkok Kedubes Kerajaan Thai, Singapura Utusan Dubes Kevin Cheok[1] Dubes Manopchai Wongpakdee[2] Kedubes Thai di Singapura. Hubungan bilateral antara Republik Singapura dan Kerajaan Thailand resmi dimulai pada 1965, saat Thailand menjalin hubungan diplomatik tak lama usai kemerdekaan Singapura. Kedua negara tersebut adalah anggota pendiri Perhimpunan Bangsa-Bangsa Asia Tenggara. Referensi ^ Mini…
Halaman ini berisi artikel tentang layanan kereta api penumpang rute Cilacap—Ketapang. Untuk kereta inspeksi dengan nama yang sama, lihat kereta inspeksi Wijayakusuma. Kereta api Wijayakusuma ka Wijayakusuma Cilacap ⇋ Ketapang Kereta Api WijayakusumaInformasi umumJenis layananKereta api antarkotaStatusBeroperasiDaerah operasiDaerah Operasi V PurwokertoMulai beroperasi26 September 2017Operator saat iniKereta Api IndonesiaLintas pelayananStasiun awalCilacapJumlah pemberhentianLihatlah pada pet…
Adalbert dari Preußen Pangeran Heinrich Wilhelm Adalbert dari Preußen (29 Oktober 1811 di Berlin - 6 Juni 1873 di Karlovy Vary) merupakan seorang perwira dan penjelajah Prusia, pangeran dan laksamana. Putra Pangeran Wilhelm dari Prusia dan sepupu Kaisar Wilhelm I dari Jerman, ia berjasa dalam meningkatkan kekuatan angkatan laut Prusia, serta artileri. Dia diangkat menjadi laksamana pada 1854.[1] Buku harian tentang perjalanannya di Amerika Selatan diterbitkan pada 1857, Reise seiner ko…
Football tournament season 1972–73 Coppa ItaliaMilan poses with the trophyTournament detailsCountry ItalyDates27 Aug 1972 – 1 July 1973Teams36Final positionsChampionsMilan (3rd title)Runner-upJuventusTournament statisticsMatches played95Goals scored199 (2.09 per match)Top goal scorer(s)Gigi Riva (8 goals)← 1971–721973–74 → The 1972–73 Coppa Italia was the 26th Coppa Italia, the major Italian domestic cup. The competition was won by Milan. First…
العلاقات الزامبية الغرينادية زامبيا غرينادا زامبيا غرينادا تعديل مصدري - تعديل العلاقات الزامبية الغرينادية هي العلاقات الثنائية التي تجمع بين زامبيا وغرينادا.[1][2][3][4][5] مقارنة بين البلدين هذه مقارنة عامة ومرجعية للدولتين: وجه المقارن…
VoltaireLukisan oleh Nicolas de Largillière tahun 1724LahirFrançois-Marie Arouet(1694-11-21)21 November 1694Paris, Kerajaan PrancisMeninggal30 Mei 1778(1778-05-30) (umur 83)Paris, Kerajaan PrancisMakamPanthéon, Paris, PrancisPekerjaanPenulis, filsufBahasaPrancisKebangsaanPrancisAlmamaterCollège Louis-le-GrandPasangan hidupÉmilie du Châtelet (1733–1749),Marie Louise Mignot (1744–1778)Philosophy career EraAbad PencerahanKawasanFilsafat BaratFilsafat PrancisAliranPencerahanDeism…
Neighbourhood in the middle of Ashburn, Virginia Sports pavilion across Pavilion Lake Ashburn Village is a neighborhood of Ashburn in Loudoun County. Ashburn Village opened for development in 1987 and is nearly complete. It is situated on over 1,500 acres (6.1 km2) of land, with over 5,000 residential units and 15,000 residents. Amenities Ringgold Drive Ashburn Village has four recreation centers and five swimming pools, four outdoor and one indoor. Its largest recreation center is the Ashb…
Cet article est une ébauche concernant un coureur cycliste italien. Vous pouvez partager vos connaissances en l’améliorant (comment ?). Pour plus d’informations, voyez le projet cyclisme. Luciano BorgognoniLuciano Borgognoni en 1973.InformationsNaissance 12 octobre 1951GallarateDécès 2 août 2014 (à 62 ans)GallarateNationalité italienneÉquipes amateurs 1970-1971Varese-Ganna1972Passerini GommeÉquipes professionnelles 1973-1974Dreherforte1975Zonca-Santini1976Brooklyn1977-1978…
This article relies largely or entirely on a single source. Relevant discussion may be found on the talk page. Please help improve this article by introducing citations to additional sources.Find sources: 1972 United States Senate election in West Virginia – news · newspapers · books · scholar · JSTOR (January 2021) 1972 United States Senate election in West Virginia ← 1966 November 7, 1972 1978 → Nominee Jennings Randolph Lou…