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William Gwinn Mather
A young man with dark brown hair and a mustache wearing pince-nez and a suit, tie, and Victorian collar
William G. Mather in 1902
Born(1857-09-22)September 22, 1857
Cleveland, Ohio, U.S.
DiedApril 5, 1951(1951-04-05) (aged 93)
Bratenahl, Ohio, U.S.
OccupationBusinessman
Known forShipping, iron mining, philanthropy
FatherSamuel Livingston Mather
RelativesSamuel Livingston Mather II (half-brother)
Flora Stone Mather (sister-in-law)
Samuel Livingston Mather III (nephew)

William Gwinn Mather (September 22, 1857 – April 5, 1951) was an American industrialist and philanthropist from Cleveland, Ohio. He was president of Cleveland Iron Mining Co., the mining and shipping company his father founded, from 1890 to 1933, and chairman of the board from 1933 to 1947. During his tenure, he led the company in forming a holding company, Cliffs Corp.; purchased Corrigan, McKinney Steel; and helped form Republic Steel.

Mather was a major donor to higher education, hospitals, and nonprofit organizations in Cleveland and elswhere during his lifetime. Most notably, he was president of the Cleveland Museum of Art from 1933 to 1949. He was also a noted collector of the writings of several of his forebears.

Early life and education

Mather was born on September 22, 1857, in Cleveland, Ohio, to Samuel Livingston Mather and his second wife, Elizabeth L. Gwinn.[1] His father had previously been married to Georgiana Woolson, and had two children by her: Samuel Livingston Mather II and Katherine Mather. Georgiana died in November 1853, shortly after giving birth to her second child.[2]

On his father's side, William Gwinn Mather was descended from Richard Mather, a prominent New England Puritan minister in colonial Boston.[3] Richard's third son, Increase Mather, was the sixth president of Harvard College.[4] Increase's son, Cotton Mather, played a prominent role in the Salem witch trials of 1692–1693.[5][6] William Gwinn Mather, however, traced his lineage back to Richard Mather's fourth son, Timothy,[7] one of the co-founders of Yale University.[5][8] His great-grandfather, Samuel Mather, was a member of the Connecticut Land Company and a founder of the city of Cleveland, Ohio.[3][9]

William's mother, Elizabeth Lucy Gwinn, was the daughter of a prominent banker, cereals miller, and real estate owner in Buffalo, New York.[10]

Mather attended and graduated from the Episcopal Academy of Connecticut,[11] a prep school located in Cheshire, Connecticut. He then attended Trinity College, earning his bachelor's degree in 1877 and master's degree in 1885.[12][a]

Early career

Involvement in mining

The press reported that William G. Mather spent the latter half of 1878 in Europe.[14] He fell seriously ill in November 1878 and returned to the United States. His father went to New York City to care for him.[15] Upon his recovery, he became a salesman for the Cleveland Iron Mining Co.[13] under the mentorship of his older brother, Samuel Livingston Mather II.[16]

It was a difficult time for Cleveland Iron Mining Co. salespeople. The Menominee Iron Range opened in 1877. Iron ore there lay close to the surface, making it cheaper to mine. The region had a milder climate than the Marquette Iron Range (where Cleveland Iron Mining's properties were), was closer to consumers (which lowered transportation costs), and had a longer shipping season (since it used the port of Escanaba, Michigan, rather than Marquette). A flood of inexpensive Menominee ore drove prices downward.[17]

It was widely believed, inside the company and out, that Samuel Livingston Mather II was being groomed to take over as president of Cleveland Iron Mining Co. once his father retired.[16] The young man had joined Cleveland Iron Mining Co. at the age of 14 and worked as a timekeeper at the company mine near Ishpeming, Michigan.[18] In July 1869, entering the mine after a blast, he was struck by falling rock and fell down a shaft, suffering a fractured skull, broken left arm, and spinal injury.[19] He spent the next three years convalescing (although the arm was left permanently stiff),[20] and rejoined Cleveland Iron Mining in 1873.[2]

Samuel Livingston Mather's health began to decline under the stress of managing Cleveland Iron Mining Co..[21] But about the same time, the junior Mather began talking to others at Cleveland Mining Co. about iron ore marketing. In January 1883, Sam Mather joined Col. James Pickands and iron dealer Jay C. Morse in forming Pickands Mather & Company to market Lake Superior iron ore.[22] Sam Mather's departure from Cleveland Iron Mining in 1883 made William G. Mather the heir apparent.[16]

The Gogebic and Vermilion iron ranges opened in 1885, further flooding the market with ore.[17] The new Bessemer process had been adopted by steelmakers in the past few years, and this procees required iron ore low in phosphorus.[23] William G. Mather had already found it increasingly difficult to sell Cleveland Iron Mining's high-phosphorus iron in the late 1870s and early 1880s, and now the low-phosphorus Gogebic ore was flooding the market.[17]

Samuel Livingston Mather's rheumatism worsened and his eyesight began to fail. By the mid 1880s, his health had declined so much that William was taking on more and more of his father's duties as president. In 1886, Samuel Mather senior stopped traveling to Michigan to inspect the company's properties, and William began doing so instead.[16] He also took over the responsibility of chartering freighters to move the company's product.[24]

In June 1887, William was elected a director of the Pittsburg and Lake Angeline Iron Company of Marquette, Michigan, serving at least through 1897.[25][b] In August, he co-founded the Michigan Gold Company and was named a director of the firm.[29] By November 1887, he had been elected assistant secretary of Cleveland Iron Mining,[13][30] and was appointed a vice president of the firm in May 1888.[31]

William Mather was instrumental in getting Cleveland Iron Mining Co. to begin building its own fleet of iron ore freighters.[c] He attended the annual meeting of stockholders of the Republic Iron & Steel in 1887 and learned that Republic making money on shipping. He told his father, and in September 1888 Cleveland Iron Mining signed signed contracts to have two steamers built.[35] This made the firm the first iron mining company in the United States to own its own transport fleet.[36] The first vessel, the Frontenac, launched in March 1889,[37] and the second, the Pontiac, launched in July 1889.[38] William G. Mather was deeply involved in the firm's new shipping arm, as by this time he handled nearly all of the company's transporation needs.[39]

Leadership in Cleveland Iron Mining

While a vice president of Cleveland Iron Mining Co., Mather purchased the Michigamme Mine near Republic, Michigan, along with his father, brother, and other Cleveland area investors in late 1889.[40]

By 1889, Samuel Livingston Mather was seriously concerned that Cleveland Iron had become a second-class firm. Its high-phorphorus ore sold only slowly, and at lower and lower prices.[41] The Iron Cliffs Mining Company, however, had just what Cleveland Iron Mining needed: Proven reserves, much unexplored mineral lands, and plenty of low-phosphorus ore.[42]

Samuel J. Tilden, the former governor of New York and presidential candidate, led the Iron Cliffs company. When he died in August 1886, Samuel Mather began investigating how to obtain control of the now-leaderless Iron Cliffs.[42] The surviving big stockholder, William Barnum, was adamantly opposed to a buyout.[42] Barnum died in late April 1889 after a five-month illness,[43] and the Iron Cliffs board appointed a committee to seek a buyer for the company.[44] President Mather seized the opportunity.[44] He asked Jeptha Wade, a co-founder of Western Union and a Cleveland Iron Mining director since 1867, to head a syndicate of investors to acquire Iron Cliffs on behalf of Cleveland Iron Mining.[42] In addition to Wade and Mather, the syndicate included William G. Mather, Selah Chamberlain, and other Cleveland Iron Mining directors.[45]

By February 1890, the syndicate owned 14,000 of Iron Cliffs's 20,000 shares.[45] William G. Mather was considered experienced and trustworthy enough by the board of directors of Cleveland Iron Mining Co. to lead the negotiations[46] that allowed the syndicate to take control of Iron Cliffs and its 55,000 acres (22,000 ha) of iron-bearing land in April 1890.[45][36][47]

Willam was elected a director of Cleveland Iron Mining in May 1890.[48]

Jeptha Wade died suddenly of peritonitis on August 10,[49] and Samuel L. Mather died of pneumonitis on October 8 after an illness lasting 10 days.[50]

William G. Mather oversaw the creation of the merged company, which adopted the name Cleveland-Cliffs Iron Co.[47] Shareholders of both merging companies agreed to transfer their stock to the new corporation on May 14, with the merger effective on May 25.[51] Because of restrictive laws in various states regarding corporate ownership of property, Cleveland-Cliffs Iron was actually a holding company, with Cleveland Iron Mining and Iron Cliffs retaining their legal and corporate identities, boards of directors, and officers.[45] But because the majority stockholders in the two companies were now practically the same,[52] the boards and officers were interlocking. William G. Mather was elected president of Cleveland Iron Mining,[53][54] Iron Cliffs,[54] and Cleveland-Cliffs.[55]

President of Cleveland-Cliffs

In 1890, huge near-surface deposits of iron ore were discovered on the Mesabi Range of Minnesota. Within three years, a massive "ore boom" was underway on the Mesabi, with more than 50 iron mining companies chartered in the state in 1893 alone.[56] By 1895, the Mesabi Range was shipping more ore than Marquette, Menominee, Vermilion, or Gogebic iron ranges;[57] by 1903, the Mesabi was shipping more ore than the Marquette, Menominee, Vermilion, and Gogebic combined.[58] The vast majority of Mesabi ore was low-phosphorus,[59] and the flood of Mesabi product sharply depressed the price of iron ore.[60]

In 1892, Mather oversaw the drainage of Lake Angeline in Michigan. Cleveland Iron Mining Co. had discovered a large iron ore bed beneath the lake in the winter of 1886-1887.[61] To access this ore, the lake was pumped dry beginning in March.[62][63]

The Panic of 1893 began in February of that year. The market for iron ore collapsed. Mine employment in the Great Lakes District, which stood at 17,000 in 1892, dropped to 3,500 by the summer of 1893. On July 1, Mather ordered most of the Cleveland-Cliffs mines closed.[64] Cleveland-Cliffs lost money in both 1893 and 1894.[65] Mather illegally chose to continue to pay dividends out of capital.[66][d] Ore and steel prices did not recover when the panic ended, and the Panic of 1896 kept them low. Prices did not begin to recover until 1898.[68]

Confronting consolidation in iron mining

In September 1892, Henry W. Oliver incorporated the Oliver Mining Co., and within two years was mining 400,000 short tons (360,000 t) of iron ore a year from a single site.[69] In early 1894, Andrew Carnegie obtained a controlling interest in the firm.[70][e]

In late 1894, John D. Rockefeller gained control of Lake Superior Consolidated Mines, which owned extensive properties on the Mesabi Range.[72] Rockefeller perceived that, just as had happened in petroleum refining, overproduction was occurring and suicidal competition was likely to cause most mining companies to collapse.[73] Rockefeller had secured a monopoly on oil refining by controlling transporation, and he saw the Lake Superior Consolidated's railroad and lakeshore property in Duluth as the potential key to building an iron ore monopoly.[73] In early 1895, he asked Samuel Livingston Mather II, head of the Pickands, Mather & Co. iron ore marketing and shipping firm, to obtain contracts with shipbuilders around the Great Lakes for 12 ore freighters.[74] In March 1896, Rockefeller announced the formation of the Bessemer Steamship Company, with 12 ore freighters to carry the product from his mines.[75] Whereas independent shippers charged $4.20 a ton, Rockefeller's fleet carried iron ore for a mere $0.80 per ton.[76]

Throughout 1896, Rockefeller spent $19 million (equivalent to $614,464,000 in 2024) expanding his mine holdings on the Great Lakes and building railroads to bring their ore to market. It was widely rumored in the press that Rockefeller intended to build one or more steel mills in Chicago and Cleveland, and take on Carnegie Steel.[77]

To forestall such an outcome, in December 1896 Carnegie agreed to buy the entire yearly output of Rockefeller's mines (a minimum of 600,000 short tons (540,000 t) of ore) at a below-market rate of 25 cents a ton.[77] Carnegie also agreed to ship the entire amount, plus another 600,000 short tons (540,000 t) of ore from his own mines, on Rockefeller's railroads and freighter fleet. Carnegie swore off any attempt to expand his mining interests, and Rockefeller pledged not to build any steel mills.[78]

The price of iron ore fell drastically after this agreement, and many independent mining and shipping concerns went bankrupt, unable to compete at the low prices Carnegie and Rockefeller had agreed to charge one another.[77] Smaller steel companies raced to secure their own iron mines to avoid the monopoly prices which Carnegie-Rockefeller charged, some of them owning or leasing dozens of mines.[79]

Mather reacted by attempting to create a cartel to support ore prices in 1896 and 1897, but each time the effort collapsed.[79] In 1897, Oliver Mining Co. attempted to purchase Cleveland-Cliffs, but Mather asked too high a price.[79]

As the American economy emerged from its five-year-long depression in 1898, a wave of mergers struck the steel manufacturing industry. Between 1898 and 1900, there were 11 large mergers involving nearly 200 companies. By 1900, the eight largest steel companies controlled 75 percent of all iron ore output.[79] Instead of hundreds of customers, there were now only a few dozen, and as mining and ore marketing firms competed over them there was even more downward pressure on prices.[80]

The effect of these consolidations, integrations, and cut-throat competition left Cleveland-Cliffs the most important independent iron mining company in the Great Lakes mining region.[81]

Strike of 1895

The Panic of 1893 also created labor unrest in the Lake Superior Iron Mining District. Prices for food, fuel, housing, and other necessities remained very high while wages were cut drastically.[82][f]

Between March 1894 and June 1895, the price of a ton of hard, low-phosphorus iron ore had risen 50 cents a ton (or about 15 percent), although the price of other types of ore had seen little or no improvement.[82][g] Miners knew a price increase had occurred, and demanded an improvement in wages.[82][86] As head of one of the largest ore mining and shipping firms in the area, William G. Mather was spokesmen for all the mining companies,[87] who agreed to act as one.[88] Mather said the mining companies could not afford a wage increase.[89][h]

On July 13, workers at the Lillie Mine in Negaunee (about 10 miles west of Marquette) went out on strike, demanding higher pay.[90] By July 16, more than 5,000 miners on the Marquette Range were on strike.[91][i] While worker protests and very limited walkouts had occurred on Michigan's iron ranges before, this was the first "real strike" in the state's mining history,[93] and the longest strike ever on the iron range to date.[94][j]

Unsold ore lay at the docks in Marquette[97][98][k] and very large amounts at the various mines,[97],[l] which meant that employers could wait out a strike.[97][102] Steam shovels, which came into widespread use on iron ranges in the 1880s, weakened the position of the strikers even more, for now only a few steam shovel operators were needed to load ore where hundreds of shovelers had been required before.[102]

The miners, however, convinced the steam shovel operators on the ore docks to join them.[97] The press claimed the shovel operators did so under duress.[103][104][105]

On July 27, Mather, speaking for the mining companies, offered a raise.[106] The amount of the raise was not publicly stated, and the miners were told they had to individually report to mine offices to learn what the raise might be.[107][m] Mather told the press that the iron mining firms would grant some increase, but not what the miners wanted.[106]

The demand by some workers that the employers recognize their new labor union now became a divisive issue among the miners.[106][110]

On August 3, Fred Britton, an anti-union journalist for The Detroit Evening News was run out of Ishpeming after attempting to get confidential union information out of several miners whom he'd gotten drunk.[111][112] The sheriff of Marquette County asked Governor John T. Rich to send in the state militia, but Rich demurred.[111]

Behind the scenes, Mather told the miners that the iron companies would meet their demands for a wage hike, but would not recognize the union. The miners' union officially rejected Mather's offer on August 5.[113] The rejection caused the miners began to lose the support of local businesses, which had prevously supported their demands.[113][114]

After the rejection, Mather went to Ishpeming to meet with the miners, arriving some time around August 10.[115][116] A group of union leaders asked to meet with the mine owners on August 13, but the owners refused.[117] On August 18, Mather offered a wage increase of $1.60 a day, a 20-cent increase over the existing pay rate.[118][119][120] But again he refused to make the offer to the union, only to individual workers. The union declared itself satisfied with the offer, but refused to order miners back to work until the union was recognized.[121] A union group tried to meet with Mather on the evening of August 24, and again Mather refused to see them.[65] On August 25, Mather asked the men who had worked for Cleveland-Cliffs to meet with him at the company warehouse in Marquette. At the meeting, attended by most of the workers, Mather repeated his wage offer, but said he would only offer it to individuals (not the union). Union leaders shouted their refusal, but a large number of workers accepted Mather's offer.[116][122]

Events were moving beyond Mather's control, however.

Beginning July 30, mine operators began threatening to begin steam shovel operations under the protection of the state militia.[123] The rumor was that steam shovel work would begin the week of August 12, and that mine owners had asked the governor to send in two regiments of the state milita to protect their workers and property.[104][105] Then the rumor changed, with steam shovel work beginning the week of August 19.[119][99][124][118][121] The mining companies hired the Pinkerton National Detective Agency to obtain steam shovel strikebreakers,[125] and Pinkerton began advertising for shovel crews in major cities in the Midwest on August 11.[88][126][n][o]

On August 23, Mark Hanna, owner of the M. A. Hanna iron ore shipping company, wrote to Governor Rich demanding troops for the protection of workers who wanted to cross the picket line.[129] Word of his letter may have leaked out, and the press once more predicted steam shovel operation would begin (this time the week of August 26).[128] But once again, no work began.[130]

On Monday, August 26, Peter White, one of the most respected businessmen in Michigan and a deeply admired civic leader in Marquette,[129] wrote a somewhat inaccurate letter to Rich, claiming "unskilled, lazy, unprincipled, and particularly offensive" miners had rejected management's wage hikes and offer of union recognition and were on the verge of rioting.[131][p] White argued that ore buyers were going to cancel their contracts with Michigan mines, which would ruin the state's economy.[136][q] Governor Rich, lacking first-hand knowledge of what was occurring on the Upper Peninsula, believed White's claims.[136]

On the evening of Tuesday, August 27,[139] the members of the steam shovel union told the miners' union that they wished to return to work.[140] The miners' union advised them that, if they did so, it would physically stop them from doing so.[141][142] The press now reported that the mine owners would begin operating the steam shovels by Friday or Saturday.[139][143][144][141]

Governor Rich ordered the 5th Regiment of the Minnesota National Guard (MNG) to muster on August 28 and prepare to move.[144] On August 29, Marquette County Sheriff John Broad met with mine managers in Ishpeming,[139] and later that day agreed to swear in special deputies to assist the MNG in its duties.[141][144][r] The mining companies publicly said they would begin evicting any striker whose family lived in company-owned housing, with seven-day eviction notices served on September 1.[146] That was a very serious step to take, as two-thirds of the miners in the area lived in company housing.[141] On August 30, the press reported that steam shovel strikebreakers would arrive in Ishpeming on Monday, September 2.[147][148] That same day, Captain James E. Ball of the Marquette militia arrived in Ishpeming to identify a suitable campground for the National Guard.[147]

The morning of Saturday, August 31, superintendents of the struck mines met as a group with Sheriff Broad.[149] Also in attendance were Marquette County prosecutor H. Olin Young and an unnamed officer of the Michigan National Guard.[150][s] The company representatives formally demanded protection for their strikebreakers, and Sheriff Broad said he did not have the manpower to handle any distrubance.[150] Sheriff John Broad sent a telegram to the Michigan National Guard formally asking for its assistance.[151][149] MNG Assistant Adjutant General W.W. Cook wired Governor John T. Rich for instructions,[151] Governor Rich hesitated.[149] Young and William H. Johnston, mayor of Ishpeming, then sent telegrams to Rich endorsing Broad's request.[150][152][t] Only after receiving these later telegrams did Rich act.[149][150] Late in the afternoon, he ordered General Cook to send the 5th Regiment to Negaunee, and to get other regiments ready to move out, if necessary.[154] General Cook ordered his troops into the field at 4:30 PM.[151]

Companies D (Calumet), F (Houghton), G (Marquette), and H (Ironwood) from the 5th Regiment and Company H (Cheboygan) from the 3rd Regiment[155][133][156] — about 300 men and officers[157][134] — boarded trains on Saturday night for Negaunee.[158] Two artillery divisions of the Michigan Naval Militia, based in Detroit, were placed on stand-by.[152]

Four crews of steam shovel strikebreakers, a total of 50 men[155] from Minneapolis and Chicago,[159] arrived in Negaunee on Saturday night[160][161] and were housed at the Cleveland, Lake Angeline, and Lake Superior Consolidated mines.[161][u]

The National Guard arrived at 4:00 AM on Sunday, September 1,[157] and made camp on the old Lake Angeline lake bed.[150] They had orders to shoot anyone who tried to cross onto company property without a pass from the military.[163] Marquette County was charged $1,000 a day ($37,200 in 2025 dollars) by the state to keep the troops on site.[164]

The steam shovels started work at 9:00 AM on September 2,[155][165] loading ore cars for the trip to the ore docks at Marquette and Escanaba.[166] The five companies of the MNG guarded them.[167] The miners' union held a meeting in the afternoon, during which President William Coad told his men to accept the offer of the companies. The miners' voted against his resolution, and Coad resigned.[168] Steam shovels began work at the mines near Negaunee on September 3.[168] Late on September 2, Company B (Calumet) of the 5th Regiment arrived.[169]

Cleveland-Cliffs was the biggest employer on the Marquette Iron Range, and its use of strikebreakers transformed a calm strike into a violent one.[170] Striking miners largely ignored the militia, and began closely monitoring the railways for the arrival of any more strikebreakers.[137] When new arrivals were suspected of being strikebreakers, large mobs of miners intimidated them, threatened them, and sometimes even beat them.[170] Union leaders decried the use of force, and brought it to an end the week of September 16.[171]

On September 14, The Iron Ore newspaper in Ishpeming ran a front-page editorial by William G. Mather. He claimed to have "the whole welfare of the community at heart", and blamed the union for refusing to compromise, engaging in demagoguery, and misleading its members. Mather claimed the companies were willing to meet wage demands "halfway", and that they would have raised wages on September 1 anyway. He also praised the mining companies for refusing to make statements that would inflame the strike.[172]

By the week of September 16, a majority of citizens in Ishpeming were no longer in favor of keeping National Guard troops on the ground.[173] In an attempt to negotiate, the miners' union voted to allow the steam shovel operators to return to work, but only if troops were withdrawn first.[173][174] The miners also dropped their demand that the companies recognize the union as the sole bargaining agent for workers, and asked the companies for a smaller wage increase.[175] When a group of miners asked the companies for a counter-offer, none was forthcoming.[176]

The strike began to unravel. On Tuesday, September 17, 100 miners returned to work,[177] and when a union meeting was held on Wednesday very few workers attended.[178] The union held a lengthy meeting on the afternoon of September 19, and in the early evening the union voted to end the strike by a vote of 707 to 607.[179]

Troops were withdrawn on the morning of Monday, September 23.[180]

In the late 1800s, it was common for employers to discriminate against pro-union workers, retaliate against strikers by refusing to rehire them,[181] and blackball both so they could not find any other work in the same industry.[182] This type of company behavior was very limited in the wake of the 1895 miners' strike,[181] primarily because there was an ongoing severe labor shortage in the Michigan mining industry[181] and because the emerging timber industry was beginning to compete with mines for workers.[183]

Mather specifically ordered his Cleveland-Cliffs mine managers to avoid discriminating against union members.[171] The company reassured its workforce that its pay offer was still good, and quietly let it be known that another pay rise was coming in December.[171] The company also began paying closer attention to grumblings by workers, as it was clear in the aftermath of the strike that such behavior could no longer be written off as agitation by a few or by non-English speakers.[183] Even though Mather demanded much tighter cost control at company mines after the Panic of 1893,[184] when managers at Cleveland-Cliffs's mines recommended a pay raise in early 1899 Mather quickly agreed.[171]

The other mining companies's response to the strike did not please Mather. Although he did not want to negotiate with a union, he also did not wish to bar workers from belonging to them. He wrote to one of his mine managers in 1899: "...I do not like such an arbitrary stand. It seems to me too despotic to insist that our employes shall not belong to such organizations as they wish."[184]

Paternalism

Welfare capitalism emerged in the 1800s, and was particularly popular in the United States.[185] It inhibited unionization,[185][186] and in isolated regions like the Marquette iron range was used to attract a workforce,[187][188][189] reduce employee turnover, and improve productivity.[185] Mather had seen paternalistic welfare capitalism practiced in Europe, and in the wake of the 1895 strike decided to implement it Cleveland-Cliffs Iron.[184] Subsequently, he became a leader in the American welfare capitalism movement.[187] He may have been motivated by more than corporate selfishness: Historian Brian C. Wilson suggests he had a genuine concern for workers, one perhaps motivated by his Puritan ancestry.[186]

Paternalism at Cleveland-Cliffs primarily consisted of providing company housing and health services.[187]

Housing was not necessarily a new idea for Cleveland-Cliffs, as it had company-built and -owned housing at its Cliffs Mine as early as 1854.[190] Usually referred to as "housing locations", these homes were located adjacent to the company's mines.[190]


In 1901, Mather purchased land in Marquette County, Michigan for his company's operations. He had Warren H. Manning design a residential community to support his operations. On June 24, 2002, Gwinn, Michigan was listed in the National Register of Historic Places as the "Gwinn Model Town Historic District, Forsyth Township, Marquette County, Michigan".

25 residences already built, 30 more have contracts varying architectural designs, no uniformity asphalt streets, sewer system, water works, electric lights To Bear Mother's Name The_Muskegon_Chronicle_1907_09_25_4

CCI selected the residents for Gwinn and to a certain degree regulated and monitored their behavior [187] the most extensive company housing community was Gwinn company was involved in the affairs of the community byt by 1946 had sold all lot sites and got out of the paternalism business [190] At the company town of Gwinn, erected in the early twentieth century, the Cleveland-Cliffs Iron Company permitted a single saloon, where miners could drink in controlled surroundings. [191]


In each dry or change house there is an ambulance room equipped with a table, stretchers, blankets, first aid cabinet, and a mechanical device, either a pulmotor or lungmotor, for resuscitating an unconscious person . A so-called " toboggan " stretcher, for conveying injured workmen down raises , stopes , etc., is kept at each mine. All first aid men, while at work, carry a dressing, hermetically sealed, for serious cuts or bruises, and smaller dressings and leather finger bandages for minor injuries. In addition to other apparatus and equipment, the company has at each group of its mines five complete outfits of oxygen apparatus of the two-hour type, for the use of the rescue crews in getting out from the mines men who have been overcome by gases or smoke. Training . The training of employees in first aid methods is directed by a first aid foreman who is connected with the safety department of the company. It is the plan of the company to adopt approved first aid methods recommended by local physicians, the American Red Cross and the Bureau of Mines. A corps of five members, consisting of both surface and underground employees, is at all times under training at each mine . A drill is held regularly each month, and individual and team work are the features . When members of a corps become competent to administer first aid treatment, a new team is selected and each member of the retiring team is given a certificate of competence to administer first aid to the injured, with the stipulation that he must undergo additional training every six months. The interest of the men is stimulated by holding demonstrations and competitive meets, in preparation for which the corps practice very frequently on their own time. Regular monthly practices are given on the company's time, each member receiving the same compensation as he would have earned at his regular employment. Suggestive Extracts from Reports Monthly Bulletin fo the American Iron and Steel Institute January 1915 2444678 https://www.google.com/books/edition/Bulletin_of_the_American_Iron_and_Steel/Sx_OAAAAMAAJ?hl=en&gbpv=1&dq=did%20most%20large%20iron%20mines%20have%20an%20emergency%20room&pg=PA227&printsec=frontcover 68


Hospitals have been erected and maintained at all places where there are mines of the company. Included in these are the hospitals at Ishpeming, Negaunee, Republic and Gwinn in Michigan, and at Nashwauk in Minnesota. These hospitals are operated by the physicians in charge on their own account, but mainly for the men employed at the mines and their families . Some of these hospitals have been erected and owned by the physicians operating them; others are owned jointly by us and other mining companies and rented to the physicians . Where the mines are at some distance from the hospital, ambulance service is provided Moulton, W.H. The Cleveland-Cliffs Iron COmpany September 1915 2444678 https://www.google.com/books/edition/Bulletin_of_the_American_Iron_and_Steel/Sx_OAAAAMAAJ?hl=en&gbpv=1&dq=did%20most%20large%20iron%20mines%20have%20an%20emergency%20room&pg=PA227&printsec=frontcover 247



Medical history of Michigan. Volume II C. B. Burr ed Publisher: The Bruce Publishing Company, Minneapolis and, 1930 14741198 https://www.google.com/books/edition/Medical_History_of_Michigan/k29qAAAAMAAJ?hl=en&gbpv=1&dq=%22Ishpeming%22%20%22hospital%22%201872&pg=PA627&printsec=frontcover


Ishpeming Hospital built 1872 627

Republic Mine Hospital, Republic (1880) , 8 beds; out-patient department. Iron River Hospital, Iron River ( 1901 ) , 12 beds . Munising Hospital, Munising ( 1910 ) , 25 beds. Iron Mountain Industrial Hospital (1925) , 6 beds ; out-patient department. 630


Negaunee est 1910 Stambaugh est 1902 Hospitals, sanatoriums, state and charitable institutions of the United States and Canada Author: American Medical Association Print Book, English, 1922 Edition:View all formats and editions Genre: Directory Physical Description: 136 pages OCLC Number / Unique Identifier: 14810103 https://www.google.com/books/edition/Hospitals_Sanatoriums_State_and_Charitab/HhYSG7vNa04C?hl=en&gbpv=1&dq=%22Negaunee%20Hospital%22&pg=PA54&printsec=frontcover 54


One-fifth of Ishpeming Hospital owned by Pittsburg & Lake Angeline Iron Co. One-fifth by Lake Superior Iron Co. One-fifth by CCI physicians two-fifth Arthur Hannula v.s The Cleveland-Cliffs Iron Company No. 26,423 Brief for Defendant and Appellee 6 https://www.google.com/books/edition/Hannula_v_Cleveland_Cliffs_Iron_Co_188_M/JxIwNXpitGkC?hl=en&gbpv=1&dq=%22Cleveland-Cliffs%22%20%22hospital%22&pg=PA5&printsec=frontcover



stock in Iron River Hospital 141

stock in Stambaugh Hospital in 1932 61, 70m 175 Cleveland Cliffs Iron Company vs State of Michiga Record on Appeal Supreme Court of Michigan June 1950 https://www.google.com/books/edition/Cleveland_Cliffs_Iron_Company_v_Departme/rOQ7hoQqeW4C?hl=en&gbpv=1&dq=%22Cleveland-Cliffs%22%20%22hospital%22&pg=PA141&printsec=frontcover



enlarging emergency room at Republic, will add general ward and three private rooms new equipment in surgery room Industrial Notes Hospital Management April 1916 19 https://www.google.com/books/edition/Hospital_Management/66EBAAAAYAAJ?hl=en&gbpv=1&dq=%22Cleveland-Cliffs%22%20%22hospital%22&pg=RA2-PA19&printsec=frontcover



owns and operates Ishpeming Hospital Cliffs Will Turn Over Ishpeming Hospital to Non-Profit Group; Tankers Active The Plain Dealer Wed, Dec 19, 1951 ·Page 19



Welfare Dept. established in 1905 pension system into effect 1909 must be 65, have worked at least 25 years, last ten of which must be continuous or worked 20 yerars and now incapacitiated since 1909, only 104 people on the pension rolls 1901, VNS established; one at ishpemin, one at negaunee, one at gwinn [192]


one RN at Iron River jointly funded by several companies\ public health nurses at Marquette and Gldstone, supported by contributions suymmer rest cottage at Ishpeming; one or two weeks Club House Camp at Bass Lake also used for the same at Gwinn 1895, home improvement prizes [193]


Club Houses at Gwinn and North Lake [194]


YMCA at Ishpeming and Munising billiards and pool, bowling alley, shower bath, locker rooms, reading and lounging rooms, library books and magazines and newspapers, recreation ahll, kitchn, special room for women at Gwinn is also a pool new hospital at Ishpeming in 1918 [195]

company erects house and sell to employees at 10% down, and 10 or 12 year mortgage akin to rent [196]


classes for electricians english landguage and citizenship could at club houses, YNMCA, and public schools safety engineer first employed in 1911 shortly after, a trainer hired to teach first aid, firefighting, rescue [197]


Munising Hospital Mine Dept. has safety standards, annual mine inspection by workmen's committee, annual inspect by foremen's committee, annual inspection of mechanical equipemtn company has elected to participate in Michgian workers compensation [198]



William Gwinn Mather thus voluntarily instituted the eight-hour workday, worked to improve mine safety, and created a program of social benefits including pensionsaccident insurance, medical care, and planned communities— all practices that other corporations would adopt in the coming years. [186]


CCI a leading practitioner of paternalsm on lake superioer Corporate welfare program of housing, improved communities, aesthetics, recreation, medical care, rest homes, pensions, workplace safety, education, agriculture Had adopted housing early on, as a way of attracting labor to the frontier In 1906, laid out Gwinn, Michigan as a model town: housing, water, sewer hospital, school, rec center, swimming pool, railroad station, business blocks. Smalled model town at North Lake Rec centers had bowling alleys, billaiards, reading rooms, meeting rooms, baths CCI helped financ YMCAs Mather paid very close attention to the model towns [199]


In may 1908 was first mining company to introud VNS 1909 a rest home for mothers In 1909 pension system [200]

First safety director in 1911, one of the first mining companyh to do so [201]


Fatal accident rate fell from 5 per 1000 to 2.3 (1.6 if one m ajor mie disasters is exclude) By 1913, minor accidents fell 16 to 20 percent [202]


In 1932, US Bureau of Mines sid CMI had a safety standard first in the mining industyr [203]

1912 began training electricians 1913 began 'shift boss school' to train foremen in geology, math, mine analysis, leadership, safety, explosives, minining systems, and other matters Ran a somewhat disjointed effort to improve gardening by Iding best plants for the area, introduce sheep herding, US CVOmmiission on Industrial Realtions told Cmi in 1914 that Ishpeming was the ideal "company town" [204]

Mather cautioned against retaliating against miners in 1907 [205]



240 of 2000 sheep at Negaunee For Sheep Raising Muskegon Weekly Chronicle Thu, Dec 22, 1898 ·Page 3 experiment turned out reasonably well news of our state Niles_Weekly_Mirror_1899_05_03_7


CCI obtained 17000 acres of timber north of Marquette this will enable Lake Superior & Ishpeming RR to proceed from Marquette to L'anse From Marquete to L'Anse The Saginaw News Wed, Mar 28, 1900 ·Page 1


Paternalism paid off: no significant strike from 1899 to 1936 Negotiated with Oliver mining, and bought one-fourth foLake Superior Iron Company (Oliver three fourths) 1899, Bought half the stock in Arcitc Iron and Regent Iron, plus interest in the Webster an Imperial mines Leased Michigammeee Mine 1905, acquired Jackson Iron Co. for its mineral lands 1913 to 1915, bought Republic and Lake Angleine minesfor mineral lands [66]

Railroads

CCI bought a controlling interest in Munising RR in September 1899 CCI forced it into receivership Munising Railroad sold to CCI for $250,000 today Sold Out for $250,000 Detroit_Free_Press_1900_10_27_1


CCI has established the Marquette & Southeastern Railroad line will be 27 miles long, connecting the Lake Superior & Ishpeming RR with the Munising RR. will connect to the port at Manistique Work Started on New Railroad Detroit_Free_Press_1900_11_09_3

1900s

Mather personally purchased the steamer Centurion from a Detroit owner for $175,000 Marine Notes Detroit_Free_Press_1899_03_24_3


1901 Olliver offered again to purchase CCI; offered 8m, but cci wanted 9.5m 94



Munising Paper Company is established, capitalized at $1m Million Dollar Company The_Saginaw_News_1902_05_07_6


CCI purchased 12,000 acres in Marquette County from the Michigan Iron and Land Company for $55,000 CCI purchased 6,000 acres in Alger County from private owner for $27,000 two of a large number of similar deals made in the past months, as CCI secures an immense body of hardwood land already ownes 500,000 acres along Lake Seurpior trying to secure hardwood or charcoal supply for years may also extend its railroads east and west through these tracts, the M&SW to copper country and the Munising to Sault Ste. Marie Into Farm Lands The_Grand_Rapids_Press_1902_08_13_3


Leased Negaunee Mine in 1903 with Lackawanna Steel, cci handling ops 1912, opened the Lucky Star (25% interest) and Athens (46.46%) mines; with PM helping to operate Athens 1893: six mines 1905: nine mines owned, six lesed, partly owned or leased three 105


1903, purhcased Princtone mine and lased adjacent properties Gwinn erected to work these 1907, it opened the North Lake District of the Ishpeming district Half interest in Michigan Mineral Land Company in 1908, which controlled 50000 acres around Cyrstl Falls In 1901, leased the Ashlind mine near Ironwood on the Gogebic, transformed it' 1905, added Iron Belt mine on the Gogebic Explored the Mesaqbi for a year, but found nothing Purchased the Crosby mine in 1903 106


After WWI, expanded on the Mesabi through joint ventures Leased two mines with the Struthers Furnace Co. In 1920, bought five mines as part of the Mesaba-Cliffs Iron Minins Co. 1926, leased the HolmanCliffs mine on the Mesabi and the Clark mine on the Cayuna 1929, leased the Canisteo mine on the mesabi US Steel self-sufficient in ore, Bethleman and Jones & Laughling nearl so CMI had to culviate smaller steel companies Many joint ventures with these firms By 1920 CMI owned or operated 29 mines 107


In 1917, CMI the largest independent mining frim 108



Reduced transporation costs by building two large and fast vessels in 1899 1899 purchased the schooner barge Chattanooga, and stemer Pioneer 1900 bought two steamers from lake Superior Iron Co. 1905-05, ordered three more steaamers By 1916, it owned or controloled (through the Grand Island Steamship Co) 23 vessels In 1923, partenred with four companies to create the Progress Steamship Co., and formed the Leathem Smith-Cliffs Co. Leathm Smith-Cliffs purchased an old steamer, and convereted it to the self-unloaing patnets of Leatherm Smith With Pittsburgh & Lake Angeline Co., jointly built the Lake Superior and Ishpeming Railway (LS&I) which begn rolling in Aug 1896 109



LS&I kepr rates at 32 and 52 cents, rather than 40 and 65 In 1910, improved its ownership rate of LS&I to 65 and then 75% 1912, replaced old wooden dock with concrete one; 50k tons rather than 32k tons, and one-fifth loading time 110


Experimented with electric lighting as early as 1880 110-111


1886, discovered the Lake Angeline despots Drained the lake. And installed first electric locomotives to jmove ore there Cost fell of 29centes to 4 111


1900, Salisbury mine had electirc locos 1905 at Negaunee Mather visited Swedish mines in the 1890s, and was improessed by their use of hydropower North Lake mines were electric locos, hosting, and pumps 112

Retrofitted older mines with elctric motors 112-113


1901 and 1902, CCI began acquiring water poer sites Sent mine super M.D. Duncan and chief engineer O.D. McLure to hydro electric stations in Euroep and the U.S. In 1910, initirail pilo hydro plant on the Au Train River 12 mines from Munising. Supplied power to the Munisign Paper Mill, a partly owned customer of the CMI timber operations By 1912, was operaring a hydro plant on the Carp River between Negaunee and Marqueet Ridiculed for the effrt In 1913, CII relied on hydro for electricity, steam only as a backup By 1920, had five hydropower plants, getting rid of 140k tons of coal annually Hydropower costs were static, while coal costs jumped 250 % from 1914 to 1920 Hdro became a profit center for CMI In 1926, incoroporated Cliffs Power and Light to sell excess capacity Cliffs power sold half its output to the public in the Great Depression 113


Adopted detaield accounting methods in 1900 Only surviving independent or mining firm by 1910 115


Introduction of opean heart replace bessemer process, and made CCI ores valuable again Rapaid introduction of open heart between 1890 and 1910 Open hearth also neded lump ore, which CCI provided Used lump ore as a lever to extract parallel orders for non-bessemer ore 116

Most companies on the mesabi leased; CCI owned on the marquette 116-117


Mat6her pursued strategic diversification and forward integration into steel CCI was one of only a few mining companies not to be backward integrated into a steel firm 117


By 1893 the charcola fuelded Pioneer furnaces at Negaunee that Iron Cliffs brought to the company were delapidated, but CCI did not abandond them. In early 1894, Mather recommended replacing the Pioneer furnace with a new one 118


Furnace manager Austin Farrell had seen retorts rather than beehive overns used in Germany Could collect, acetic acid, methyl alcohol, acetone, formaldehyde, and ime acetate. Mather also proposed an associated wood chemical plan at Gladstone near Escanaba Largest charcoal furance-wood chemical plant in the nation, and the largest chrcoal furnace in the world Opened in 1896 119


Added second furance-chemical plant at Marquette in 1901 Through captive Pioneer Iron Co., it acquired control of another charcoal furnace, the Carp, near Marquette 1912 partnered with Goodman Lumber Co. to build the Cliffs Chemical Company wood chemical plant at Goodman, Wisc. To secure wood independene, it bought the Munising Company and Munisign Railroad in 1900 to ensure timber. Upper Peninsula Land Co, half owned by CCI, made the buy 1902, purchased 1,060,000 acres for $1.4m from dtroit, mackinac, and marquette RR CCI purchased several hundred thousand acres from UPLC CCI pu7rchased an assortment of other large properties between 1895 and 1910 By 1914, CCI had 1.5 million acres, or 14.5 percent of the upper peninsula Mather tried to get other companies to use its timber lands but to no avaial 120


Cci resorted to joint ventures. CCI owned half interest in Munising Paper Co.'s pulp and paper mill, and in Munisging Woodenware. Also lured in the piqus handle company and a veneer plant, and built a sawmill on its own 121


By 1906 cci ws the largest charcoal iro produncer in the u.s. Eventually open hearth steel surpassed charcoal iron in strength and durability by 1910 By 1904 profits were unsatisfactory 122


1912 furnae ops lost $64k, while chemical byproducts made $106k 122-123


Marquette furnace shut down in 1914 Gladstone almost did Cci resorted to long-term contacts with smaller steel companies like Antrim Iron, Lackawanna Steel, and J&L and Dunbar Iron In 1902 mather suggested cci buy blast furances and a steel plant on lake erie Actually purchsed land in toledo for this Mther also sought foothold in coal 1909, optioned 2600 acres of coal land in greene count, pa Ccik the Steel Company of canada, and PM jointly purchased the land which it named Mather Collierie 1917 cci leased the Ethel coal mine 3600 acres in WV 123


Acquirede an interest in the Low Volatile Coal Co. and in 1926 built a vessel fueling station at purt huron, mich Also began operatins as a coal sales agent Coal furnished an upbound argo for CCI ships In 1910, mather pushed for cci to take an interest in the cleveland furnace co; cci made an offer but CFC declined In 1915, CCI purchased half of CFC's stock Acquisition included a byproduct plant and two mines on the Cuyuna Range (the Kennedy ad the Meacham). In 1920 CCI entered a joint venture with Trumbull Steel 1919, CCI aqcquired a large interest in Otis Steel when that company acquired CFC In 1923, cci purchased a one third interest in Cnetral Steel Mater proposed buying the Federal Furnace in Chicago, but could no Mid 1920s, Mther purchased the Interstate Foundry in Chicago, but got out in 1`928 In 1`926, cci purchased interest in Cincinnati's Belfont Steel and Wire In 1929, CCI purchased stock in Republic I&S 124


WWI initially reduced demand for iron ore and steel 125

Cci shut down the salisbury, austin, princeton, and maas mines As war lingered, demand shot up 1917, cci operated at 100% across the board 126

Spent $1.3m expanding gladstone and marquiette byproducts plants In the post war depression, cci shut down 10 mines and opered four others on a single four hour daily shift Clo9sed both byproducts plants 127


Tcliffs furnace lsot money ion 1921 127-128


1923, permanently closed the gladstone plant Trnasporation issues hurt wood chemicals severely, and synthietic chemicals were on the market after WWI 1922 prolonged coal strike Tried to sell Ethel coal min in 1925, but found no buyer 128


Abandoned the barnes-hecker mine in 1926 after a disaster flooded the mine and 51 died 128-129


In 1928 had to buy a move a protion of the city of Negaunee to expand the Negaunee mine Passage of immigration restriction laws led to a severe labor shortage 129

In the 1920s, Cci developed the "Athens system" of extacting ore from lodes vertically rather than horizontally, and began using treated timber which did not rot 130


introduced scrapers to eliminated muckers in 1925 131


Increased efficiency by 90% In early 1920s, because using mechanical loaders (tram car with a power shovel at the front) in limited areas 1929, opened the Tilden mine; siliceous ore (sless than 50% iron and up to 15-20% silicon), used in making ferrosilicon, a material used to make chamicall resistant steel and transormer and motor cores 132


Advent of coking ovens replaced beehive ovens, and drove most blast furnace companies out of business 133-134


CCI had suppplied the small, independnet blast furnaces; their demis emant their customer base took a bit hit 134


From 1915 to 1930, Mather scrabmled to reduce CCI's vulnerability As a private shreholder, mather partiipated in syndicates that merged iron and steel companies Cci seen as an active merger partner, because it was so large and because it was so well managed Mather met eaton in 1925 when they met to discuss eaton's pending acquisition of Trumbull Steel by RI&S 1926, eaton persaded mather to particiate in a synidcate to purchase RI&S stock. The two talked about combining the remaining independent ore producers with the leading indie steel makers In late 1920s, continental shares secured substantial holders in Republic, Inland, Youngstown, and Wheeling Steel. 135


Mather invited eaton to tour cci's properties in michiga, and stayed a week at Mather Cottage Eaton had Mather and Green elected to RS*I's board CCI owned stock in Central Alloy Steel and Donner Steel Mahter hoped to ensure that cci had close ties to whatever emerged Eaton in turn wnted a reliable supply of ore and saw CCI as providing it Mather and eaton met in March 1929 in cleveland tow ork out how to link cci with eaton's steel firms Mather left for Pasadena for a vacation, and Eaton went with him. A four-day meeting in April with most of CCIs' board, and Sam Mather, Agreement on April 18 Mather intended to preserve CCI's independence Agreed to create a holding company, Cliffs Corp. Cliffs Copr to hold all CCI stock and $40 million of Eaton's stock in steel firms (Youngstown, Inland, Republic Wheeling). Half common shreaes went to Eaton, ahlf to CCI shareholders CCI shareholders also got 1.25 shares of Cliffs Preferred 136


Mather insisted that CCI common stock be voted by Cliffs Copr in a block Mather agreed to vote Cliffs Corp common in a block by CCI's directors In case of dividend deafult by Cliffs Copr, each share of Cliffs Corp preferred and each share of Cliffs Corp common got one vote each This ensured CCI's autonomy and gave CCI board a veto over Clifs Corp Mathher called this an "alliance" not a merger, and gave CCI an inside track on ore sales It also diversified CCI's income stream March 1930 CCI purchased Corrigan McKinney Steel 137


Mather hoped to sell CCM's blast furnaces and steel mills to Eaton, but retain mines CCM purchase required CCI to borrow $25m in short-term notes from eight banks, and take $5m from its own treasury Mather assumed a quick sales to eaton But great depression overaok the company 138







purchased forests, built a railroad, constructed Marquette furnace, acquired the Jackson, Negaunee, Mass, and Athens mines laid out town of Gwinn developed water power project opening coal mines in WV and PA acquired steel director in Republic Iron & Steel, Otis Steel, Central Steel, White Motor Co, Sandusky Cement Co, Kelley Island Lime & Transport Co.





director "Fort Smith and Western Railroad" The Manual of Statistice Stock Exchange Hand-Book 1903 New York The Manual of Statistics Company, 1903 176 https://archive.org/details/bub_gb_kCE7AAAAYAAJ/page/n11/mode/2up?q=%22William+G.+Mather%22



director Cleveland and Pittsburgh Railroad The Manual of Statistice Stock Exchange Hand-Book 1906 New York The Manual of Statistics Company, 1906 102-103 https://archive.org/details/manualofstatisti2819fina/page/n7/mode/2up?q=%22William+G.+Mather%22



town of Mather, Pa, named for SLM II and WGM Elliott, J.R. Description of Mather Collieries Plant Proceedings of the Engeer's Society of Western pennsylvania December 1921 https://archive.org/details/proceedingsengi01unkngoog/mode/2up?q=%22William+G.+Mather%22 448



trustee of Trinity College, Western Reserve University, Kenyon College, Case Library, Lakeside Hospital, Cleveland Museum of Art, Cleveland Symphony ORchestra, member, Trinity Cathedral, Cleveland gathered the second-largest collection of the works of Richard, Icnrease, and Cotton Mather largest is held by the American Antiquiarian Society of Worcester Mass paid for compilation of an authoritatie, illustrated, annotated bibliography of the writings of the Mather family reissued several of the works, including the repritn of the 1721 "Increase and Cotton Mather's Several Reasons", which advocated innoculation for smallpox published "On the Portraits of Increase Mather" by Kenneth B. Murdock wrote "The Mather Literatrue" Union Club, University Club, Rowfant Club, Country Club of Cleveland University Club of CHicago University Club and Grolier Club of NYC Duequsne Clube of Pittsburgh Detroit Club Society of Colonial Wars New England Historial and Geneaological Society American Antiquarian Society, Bibliographical Society of London, Bibliographical Society of America, Colonial Society of Massachusetts










The company's flagship bulk freighter was named in his honor, and today serves as a maritime museum in Cleveland, Ohio.


director of Mercantile National Bank Directors for 1892 The Cleveland Leader Wed, Jan 13, 1892 ·Page 8


co-organzied the Cleveland University Club The University Club The Plain Dealer Sun, Jan 13, 1889 ·Page 2


Republican Rump Congress Reed The Plain Dealer Sun, Nov 01, 1891 ·Page 3


WG a major collector of the owrks of Puritan author, rare books, and art Deeply involved in church affairs; the "leading layman" of the Episcopal Church in the U.S. Traveled widely in Europe [16]

Gwinn Estate

Mather is also known for the palatial estate, Gwinn, he built in Bratenahl, Ohio, a luxury suburb east of Cleveland. The estate's gardens were designed by Charles A. Platt, Ellen Biddle Shipman, and Warren H. Manning.[206] The gardens, named for Mather's mother Elizabeth Lucy Gwinn, include a mixture of formal and "wild" gardens and extensive statuary and fountains designed by significant sculptors including Paul Manship.

See also

Notes

  1. ^ Many biographies cite 1880 as the date of his master's degree,[11][13] but that does not match Trinity College records.
  2. ^ The properties of the Pittsburg and Lake Angeline Iron Co. were exhausted by 1913.[26] The company put its assets up for auction and dissolved itself in August 1915.[27] As president of Cleveland-Cliffs, Mather purchased the assets of the corporation.[28]
  3. ^ The elder Samuel Mather had successfully gotten the board's approval in 1872 to create an independent joint venture, the Cleveland Transportation Company, to build and operate vessels on the mining company's behalf.[32] By 1877, however, the the Cleveland Transportation Company was dragging the mining firm under. Nearly bankrupt, Mather sold the company's interest in Cleveland Transportation in 1877.[33][34]
  4. ^ Beginning in 1888, Ohio law prohibited publicly traded corporations from paying dividends out of capital.[67]
  5. ^ Carnegie initially owned 50 percent of the stock. With several others owning the remaining stock, Carnegie's interest was controlling. In 1896, Carnegie increased his ownership stake in Oliver Mining Co. to 83.3 percent.[71]
  6. ^ Actual figures on prices are not available. Marquette resident Donald D. Donnan, however, maintained that railroads had lowered the cost of food significantly, although beef, hay, oats, pork, and potatoes still commanded a premium.[83] Mine wages in Michigan were the highest in the United States (tied with Minnesota), at $484 a year. The average national mineworker wage was $368 a year.[84]
  7. ^ Briggs does not provide a time-frame for his price movement, nor an ore type. Press reports indicate the time frame to be early 1894 to mid 1895, and low-phosphorus ores did much better than high-phosphorus ore.[85]
  8. ^ When Mather offered a wage increase on behalf of the mining firms on July 27, the Marquette Mining Journal newspaper accused the companies of lying about their inability to do so in earlier in July.[89]
  9. ^ Miners at the Pewabic Mine did not immediately strike. The Pewabic Mining Company awarded a 10 percent wage hike on July 18, which the workers accepted.[92]
  10. ^ While the state's Bureau of Labor and Industrial Statistics claimed in 1894 that there was a complete absence of strikes and labor dissent on Michigan's iron ranges and that employer-employee relations were entirely cordial,[95], this was not true. Research conducted by historian Terry S. Reynolds shows that workplace protests and work stoppages on Michigan's iron ranges were increasing in frequency and size after 1880, reaching a peak in the period 1890 to 1894.[96]
  11. ^ One report said 13,500 short tons (12,200 t) sat on the docks at Marquette.[99]
  12. ^ Newspapers said between 700,000 short tons (640,000 t)[100] and 1,000,000 short tons (910,000 t) tons were in storage at the mines around Ishpeming and Negaunee.[101]
  13. ^ The Lansing State Journal reported the raise was likely to be 10 percent.[108] The nascent miners' union was demanding $2 a day for all underground miners, $1.75 a day for common underground labor, and $1.50 a day for common surface labor.[109] The Pewabic Mining Co.'s new wage scale was $1.80 a day for drifting miners, $1.65 a day for stoping miners, $1.35 a day for trammers, $1.25 a day for underground common labor, and $1.10 for common surface labor.[106]
  14. ^ The mine owners were willing to pay steam shovel engineers $2.65 a day, and steam shovel cranemen $2.20 per day.[120]
  15. ^ A small number of mine owners denied that they intended to begin steam shovel work.[127][128]
  16. ^ The press tried to inflame ethnic tension among the striking miners,[132] blaming "bold and ugly" Cornishmen and Finlanders for being too militant and intimidating the English-speaking men.[133][134] The press also blamed the Irish for inflaming the "excitable" Finns.[135]
  17. ^ Apparently, the only shipping company to actually cancel a contract was the M.A. Hanna Company, which on September 4 canceled its contract for 50,000 short tons (45,000 t) of ore from the Winthrop Mine, owned by Marquette businessman Frederick Braastad. Deeply alarmed, Braastad recognized the union and gave his miners a wage increase so that he could re-open his mine and begin moving ore.[137][138]
  18. ^ Broad attempted to swear in 100 special deputies.[141][144] Once the volunteers learned they would be engaged in strike work, nearly all of them refused to serve.[145]
  19. ^ It was most likely Capt. Ball again, as he was knokwn to be in Ishpeming on Saturday afternoon, talking to mine agents.[149]
  20. ^ J.F. Foley, mayor of Negaunee, likely refused to endorse Broad's request. He believed troops were not needed, as not a single act of violence had occurred.[153]
  21. ^ Cleveland-Cliffs brought in another six strikebreaking shovel operators on September 8.[162]

Citations

  1. ^ Avery 1918, p. 3.
  2. ^ a b Ingham 1983, p. 864.
  3. ^ a b Kennedy 1896, p. 118.
  4. ^ Abel, Darrel (1963). American Literature. Volume 1: Colonial and Early National Writing. Great Neck, N.Y.: Barron's Educational Series. p. 53. OCLC 466602.
  5. ^ a b Orth 1910, pp. 28, 31.
  6. ^ Smolinski, Reiner; Minkema, Kenneth P. (2022). "Editors' Introduction". In Smolinski, Reiner; Minkema, Kenneth P. (eds.). A Cotton Mather Reader. New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press. pp. xiii, xvi. ISBN 9780300260182.
  7. ^ Aitken, William B. (1912). Distinguished Families in America, Descended From Wilhelmus Beekman and Jan Thomasse Van Dyke. New York: The Knickerbocker Press. p. 37. OCLC 1298786438.
  8. ^ Cutter, William Richard, ed. (1913). New England Families, Genealogical and Memorial: A Record of the Achievements of Her People in the Making of Commonwealths and the Founding of a Nation. Vol. II. New York: Lewis Historical Publishing Co. p. 796. OCLC 1856186.
  9. ^ Orth 1910, p. 31.
  10. ^ Evans, Charles Worthington (1882). Biographical and Historical Accounts of the Fox, Ellicott, and Evans Families, and the Different Families Connected With Them. Buffalo, N.Y.: Press of Baker, Jones & Co. p. 240. OCLC 8230671.
  11. ^ a b McCleary, J.T. (1911). Biographical Directory of the American Iron and Steel Institute. New York: American Iron and Steel Institute. p. 159. OCLC 9478254.
  12. ^ Catalogue of the Officers and Students of Trinity College. 1885-86. Hartford, Conn.: The Case, Lockwood & Brainard Co. 1885. p. 58. OCLC 228703491; Johnson, Henry Clark (March 1888). The Tenth General Catalogue of the Psi Upsilon Fraternity. Bethelehem, Pa.: Psi Upsilon Fraternity. p. 860. OCLC 14762777.
  13. ^ a b c "William G. Mather — A Biography of the President, The Cleveland-Cliffs Iron Company". The Explosives Engineer. March 1929. p. 87. Retrieved April 21, 2026.
  14. ^ "Departures for Europe". The New York Times. May 1, 1878. p. 8; "Personal". The Evening Post. Cleveland, Ohio. June 13, 1878. p. 4.
  15. ^ "Personal Mention". The Evening Post. Cleveland, Ohio. November 29, 1878. p. 4.
  16. ^ a b c d e Reynolds & Dawson 2011, p. 72.
  17. ^ a b c Reynolds & Dawson 2011, p. 61.
  18. ^ "Samuel Mather of Cleveland". Skillings' Mining Review. April 16, 1927. p. 1. Retrieved May 1, 2026.
  19. ^ "Accident at Marquette". The Evening Post. Cleveland, Ohio. July 20, 1869. p. 3; "The Accident to Mr. Mather". The Cleveland Leader. July 21, 1869. p. 4.
  20. ^ Whelan 2014, p. 10.
  21. ^ Reynolds & Dawson 2011, p. 69.
  22. ^ Havighurst, Walter (1958). Vein of Iron: The Pickands Mather Story. Cleveland: World Publishing Company. pp. 9–11, 33–34. OCLC 396679.
  23. ^ Reynolds & Dawson 2011, p. 64.
  24. ^ Reynolds & Dawson 2011, p. 74.
  25. ^ "Election of Officers". The Cleveland Leader. June 18, 1887. p. 3; "Pittsburg and Lake Angeline". The Plain Dealer. June 22, 1888. p. 7; "P. and L.A. Iron Company". The Plain Dealer. June 20, 1888. p. 4; "Officers Elected". The Plain Dealer. June 18, 1891. p. 8; "Directors and Officers". The Cleveland Leader. June 25, 1896. p. 8; "Old Officers Re-Elected". The Plain Dealer. June 25, 1897. p. 7.
  26. ^ "Lake Superior Iron Mines". Boston Evening Transcript. November 29, 1913. p. 12.
  27. ^ "Will Sell Ore Lands". Boston Evening Transcript. August 19, 1915. p. 6.
  28. ^ "Development Work at Lake Angeline". The Duluth News Tribune. October 29, 1915. p. 11.
  29. ^ "Fifteen Pounds of Gold". The Evening Post. Cleveland, Ohio. March 15, 1890. p. 8.
  30. ^ "Lake Superior Gold Mines". Milwaukee Journal Sentinel. November 3, 1887. p. 4.
  31. ^ "The Cleveland iron Mining Company". The Plain Dealer. May 24, 1888. p. 3.
  32. ^ Reynolds & Dawson 2011, p. 56.
  33. ^ Reynolds & Dawson 2011, p. 60.
  34. ^ "A Notable Lake Superior Anniversary". The Engineering and Mining Journal. July 28, 1900. p. 96. Retrieved May 1, 2026.
  35. ^ "The Inland Marine". The Cleveland Leader. September 29, 1888. p. 2; "Along the Lakes". The Plain Dealer. September 29, 1888. p. 2.
  36. ^ a b Kennedy 1896, p. 119.
  37. ^ "The Frontenac". The Plain Dealer. March 24, 1889. p. 2.
  38. ^ "More Water". The Plain Dealer. June 25, 1889. p. 2.
  39. ^ Reynolds & Dawson 2011, p. 73.
  40. ^ "What Is Going On In Milwaukee". Chicago Tribune. November 22, 1889. p. 10; "Ore Market". Montreal River Miner and Iron County Republican. November 28, 1889. p. 4.
  41. ^ Reynolds & Dawson 2011, p. 80.
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  63. ^ "To Pump a Michigan Lake Dry". The Saginaw News. March 19, 1892. p. 7.
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  103. ^ "Spreading". The Plain Dealer. July 17, 1895. p. 7.
  104. ^ a b "May Be Serious Trouble". Lansing State Journal. August 7, 1895. p. 1.
  105. ^ a b "Will Start Shovels". The Minneapolis Journal. August 7, 1895. p. 3.
  106. ^ a b c d "No Settlement In Sight". Lansing State Journal. July 29, 1895. p. 1.
  107. ^ "Michigan Miners' Strike". The Kalamazoo Gazette. July 28, 1895. p. 3.
  108. ^ "A 10 Per Cent Advance". Lansing State Journal. July 24, 1895. p. 1.
  109. ^ "The Mines and Markets". Ironwood News-Record. July 27, 1895. p. 1.
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  112. ^ "Britton Was Mobbed". The Grand Rapids Press. August 3, 1895. p. 1.
  113. ^ a b "Trouble Expected". Lansing State Journal. August 5, 1895. p. 1.
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  117. ^ "Strike Not Yet Settled". Minneapolis Daily Times. August 14, 1895. p. 1.
  118. ^ a b "Miners to Return to Work". The Milwaukee Sentinel. August 19, 1895. p. 1.
  119. ^ a b "To Be Settled Today". Lansing State Journal. August 19, 1895. p. 1.
  120. ^ a b "Scale of the Companies". The Milwaukee Sentinel. August 22, 1895. p. 1; "New Rate of Wages". The Plain Dealer. August 23, 1895. p. 5.
  121. ^ a b "Will Stay Out". The Plain Dealer. August 20, 1895. p. 5.
  122. ^ "In the Labor World". The Chicago Chronicle. August 25, 1895. p. 4.
  123. ^ "Crowds Are Quiet". The Grand Rapids Press. July 31, 1895. p. 3; "Tow Barges". The Plain Dealer. August 1, 1895. p. 5.
  124. ^ "All Quiet in the U.P.". Detroit Free Press. August 11, 1895. p. 4.
  125. ^ Reynolds 2007, p. 20.
  126. ^ "To Begin Work". Lansing State Journal. August 12, 1895. p. 4.
  127. ^ "Will Go To The Mines". Detroit Free Press. August 13, 1895. p. 4; "Won't Start the Shovels". The Ironwood Times. August 17, 1895. p. 5; "Think It Only A Bluff". Lansing State Journal. August 21, 1895. p. 3; "The Miners Are Ugly". Minneapolis Daily Times. August 23, 1895. p. 3.
  128. ^ a b "Looks Like a Go". The Cleveland Press. August 24, 1895. p. 2.
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  132. ^ Brinks 1966, p. 293.
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  135. ^ "Growing Weaker Daily". Detroit Free Press. September 15, 1895. p. 1.
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  138. ^ "The First To Weaken". The Grand Rapids Press. September 5, 1895. p. 3.
  139. ^ a b c "Now Comes the Tug of War". Marquette Mining Journal. August 30, 1895. p. 6.
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  145. ^ Green 1897, p. 43.
  146. ^ "Must Vacate the Houses". Marquette Mining Journal. August 30, 1895. p. 6.
  147. ^ a b "Will Take No Chances". Marquette Mining Journal. August 31, 1895. p. 6.
  148. ^ "Given Ten Days". The Plain Dealer. August 31, 1895. p. 5; "Strikers Snubbed". Lansing State Journal. August 31, 1895. p. 1.
  149. ^ a b c d e "Troops Ordered Here". Marquette Mining Journal. September 2, 1895. p. 6.
  150. ^ a b c d e "Troops Gone to Ishpeming". Marquette Mining Journal. September 2, 1895. p. 8.
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  153. ^ "Mayor Foley Will Protest". Marquette Mining Journal. September 4, 1895. p. 7.
  154. ^ Green 1897, p. 41.
  155. ^ a b c "No Outbreak at Ishpeming". The Pittsburgh Press. September 2, 1895. p. 1.
  156. ^ "Troops Are Out". The Buffalo News. September 2, 1895. p. 1.
  157. ^ a b "Met With No Resistance". Marquette Mining Journal. September 3, 1895. p. 6.
  158. ^ "Soldiers Needed". The Saint Paul Globe. September 1, 1895. p. 9.
  159. ^ "Will Resume Shimpments". Marquette Mining Journal. September 3, 1895. p. 7.
  160. ^ "Men to Take Strikers' Places". The New York Times. September 1, 1895. p. 1.
  161. ^ a b "To Protect the Mines". The Washington Post. September 1, 1895. p. 1.
  162. ^ "More Non-Union Men Arrive". Marquette Mining Journal. September 9, 1895. p. 6.
  163. ^ "White-Winged Peace". Marquette Mining Journal. September 4, 1895. p. 6.
  164. ^ "This closes the eighth week...". Marquette Mining Journal. September 7, 1895. p. 2.
  165. ^ "Steam Shovels Going". Buffalo Post. September 2, 1895. p. 1.
  166. ^ "Steam Shovels Will Start". The Plain Dealer. September 2, 1895. p. 5.
  167. ^ Brinks 1966, p. 302.
  168. ^ a b "Did Not Fight". Jackson Citizen Patriot. September 3, 1895. p. 1; "No Actual Violence". The Boston Globe. September 3, 1895. p. 4; "A Start Made". The Plain Dealer. September 3, 1895. p. 6.
  169. ^ "Copper Country News". Marquette Mining Journal. September 3, 1895. p. 3.
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  173. ^ a b "Probably End This Week". Lansing State Journal. September 17, 1895. p. 1.
  174. ^ "Strike Is Toppling". The Grand Rapids Press. September 16, 1895. p. 1.
  175. ^ "Strikers Yield". Jackson Citizen Patriot. September 17, 1895. p. 1.
  176. ^ "Miners Are Still Out". Detroit Free Press. September 17, 1895. p. 1.
  177. ^ "Defy the Union". Lansing State Journal. September 18, 1895. p. 1.
  178. ^ "Applying for Work". The Kalamazoo Gazette. September 20, 1895. p. 2.
  179. ^ "It Is Over". Detroit Free Press. September 20, 1895. p. 6; "Big Strike Is Off". The Grand Rapids Press. September 20, 1895. p. 1.
  180. ^ "Peace at Ishpeming". Lansing State Journal. September 23, 1895. p. 1; "Militia Goes Home". Lansing State Journal. September 23, 1895. p. 1.
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  182. ^ Magnaghi 2017, p. 85.
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Bibliography


{{DEFAULTSORT:Mather, William G. [[Category:1857 births [[Category:1951 deaths [[Category:Businesspeople from Cleveland [[Category:Burials at Lake View Cemetery, Cleveland [[Category:Trinity College (Connecticut) alumni [[Category:19th-century American businesspeople

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