伊麗莎白·凱迪在她名為《八十年和更多》(Eighty Years & More)的回憶錄中稱,年輕時家裡有三個非裔男僕。其中研究人員已經確定當中一位非裔男僕名叫彼得·緹堡特(Peter Teabout)為奴隸身份,並且可能持續至1827年7月4日紐約州解放所有奴隸為止。伊麗莎白·凱迪於回憶錄中使用深情的文字稱,她和她的姐妹們一起與彼得·緹堡特在參加聖公會教堂聚會時一同坐在教堂的後方進行禮拜,而不是和白人家庭一樣坐在教堂前方的位置中。[7][8]
伊麗莎白·凱迪在她的回憶錄中曾說,她在特洛伊的學生時期對由基督教復興運動(英语:Christian revival)核心人物的福音派傳教士查爾斯·芬尼所進行為期六週的宗教復興課程感到非常惶恐不安。他的講道內容加上她童年在喀爾文主義長老教會的經歷,使她害怕自己遭受神罰(英语:Damnation)並稱:「對審判的恐懼抓住了我的靈魂。迷失者的景象變成了我的夢魘。精神上的痛楚傷害了我的健康。」。[注 3][12]最終她父親和姐夫說服伊麗莎白·凱迪無視查爾斯·芬尼的警告,並帶她說前往尼加拉大瀑布進行為期六週的旅行,在此期間她閱讀了理性主義的哲學著作,並藉由這些著作恢復了她所喪失的理性與理智。然而伊麗莎白·凱迪的傳記作者洛瑞·金伯格(Lori D. Ginzberg)稱此段回憶錄記載存在一些問題,如伊麗莎白·凱迪就讀特洛伊女子神學院時,查爾斯·芬尼已經有六個星期沒有進行講道。因此洛瑞·金伯格懷疑她藉由編造此段童年記憶,來強調女性會因陷入宗教的魔咒而傷害自己。[13]
伊麗莎白·凱迪·斯坦頓做為塞內卡瀑布會議中《權利和感性宣言(英语:Declaration of Sentiments)》的主要起草者,[34]她以《美國獨立宣言》為藍本來撰寫該宣言的內容及宗旨。該宣言的控訴清單中包含「錯誤地否決女性參政權」,以顯示她打算在會議上引起對女性參政權的討論。此舉在當時雖是極具爭議的想法,但並非嶄新的概念,她的表兄格里特·史密斯(英语:Gerrit Smith)對該種激進思想並不陌生,不久前便曾在水牛城自由聯盟會議上呼籲授予女性參政權。然而當亨利·布魯斯特·斯坦頓看到宣言中包含女性參政權時便告訴伊麗莎白·凱迪·斯坦頓,她的行為會導致整個訴求變成一場鬧劇,而主要演說者柳克麗霞·莫特也對該提議感到不安。[35]
1850年第一屆全國女性權利會議(英语:National Women's Rights Convention)召開,伊麗莎白·凱迪·斯坦頓因懷孕而無法出席會議,因此她向會議發送了一封名為《女性應該擔任公職》(Should women hold office)的與會信,概述了女性運動的目標。[47]這封信中強調應支持女性擔任公職的權利,並稱:「女性可以為我們共和國的『政治實驗』產生『淨化、增化、軟化』之影響。」。[注 13][47]此後於開會前拆封伊麗莎白·凱迪·斯坦頓的與會信成為全國女性權利會議的傳統,而她本人則直到1860年才親自參加會議。[48][49]
在1850年代以前酗酒已成為嚴重的社會問題,[60]當時法律賦予丈夫完全掌控家庭及財務的權力,為此許多社會運動家認為禁酒運動(英语:Temperance movement in the United States)是攸關女性權利的議題。在當時由於法律並未保障婦女對酗酒丈夫的追訴權,使得丈夫即便因酗酒令家庭一貧如洗且對妻子和子女進行家暴,她也難以進行離婚,即便成功離婚也很容易使酗酒的丈夫成為他們孩子的唯一監護人。[61]
1852年,蘇珊·安東尼被選為紐約州禁酒會議的代表,然而當她試圖參與討論時卻遭會議主席阻止,會議主席更稱女性代表只是來旁聽和學習的。多年後蘇珊·安東尼觀察到「女性採取的任何前衛手段都沒有像公開演講那樣引起激烈討論。因為她們沒有為此進行嘗試,甚至沒有為此爭取參政權,她們連是否受到虐待、譴責和敵視都不知。」。[注 21][62]為此蘇珊·安東尼和其他女性成員決定退出該會議,宣佈她們將組織女性禁酒會議,同年大約500名婦女在羅徹斯特會面並創建了女性州禁酒協會(Women's State Temperance Society),並由伊麗莎白·凱迪·斯坦頓擔任主席而蘇珊·安東尼擔任州代理人。[63]這種由伊麗莎白·凱迪·斯坦頓擔任面向公眾的主席,而蘇珊·安東尼擔任幕後活躍的推手,成為她們晚年創立的組織之特點。[64]
1851年,伊麗莎白·凱迪·斯坦頓的外姪女伊麗莎白·史密斯·米勒(英语:Elizabeth Smith Miller)為紐約州北部帶來一種新的服裝風格,與傳統的及地連衣裙不同,該種服裝風格由及膝連衣裙與潘塔龍斯褲(Pantaloons)所組成。後由伊麗莎白·凱迪·斯坦頓好友兼鄰居的艾蜜莉亞·布盧默在她出版的月刊《百合花(英语:The Lily (newspaper))》中宣傳此種服裝穿搭,因此該服裝風格被訛傳為布盧默連衣裙(Bloomer dress)或簡稱為布盧默斯褲(Bloomers)。儘管該種穿搭受到保守派的嘲諷並提出「女性穿任何褲子的想法都是對社會秩序的威脅」之論點,但是很快許多女性改革運動家便開始採用該種穿搭風格。對伊麗莎白·凱迪·斯坦頓來說燈籠褲解決一隻手拿著蠟燭,另一隻手不知何故還須提起長裙裙擺以免絆倒的窘境。然而伊麗莎白·凱迪·斯坦頓穿了兩年燈籠褲後,便因它引起的爭議明顯模糊了人們對女性權利的議題而放棄該種穿搭,其他爭取女性權利的社會運動家最終也因此放棄該種穿搭。[82]
離婚改革
伊麗莎白·凱迪·斯坦頓早在1852年的女性州禁酒協會上,便已經透過倡導婦女與酗酒丈夫離婚的權利來對抗傳統主義者。在1860年第十屆全國女性權利會議(英语:National Women's Rights Convention)上長達一小時的演講中,她前衛的思想引發了一場佔據整個會議議程的激烈辯論。[83]演講中她引用不健康婚姻的悲慘例子來暗示一些婚姻相當於「合法賣淫」,[84]同時她也挑戰了婚姻中的情感和宗教觀點,並將婚姻定義與其他契約受相同制約的民事契約,並為此稱:「如果婚姻沒有產生預期的幸福,那麼將其結束便是一種責任。」。[注 26][85]然而廢奴主義領袖溫德爾·菲利普斯(英语:Wendell Phillips)在隨後的討論中強烈反對該言論,同時他認為「離婚不屬於女性權利議題,因為它對女性和男性皆產生相等的的影響」[注 27],並以該議題不當為由試圖將其從會議記錄中刪除,但最終並沒有成功。[83]
伊麗莎白·凱迪·斯坦頓在後來的巡迴演講中,以關於離婚相關演講最受歡迎,曾吸引了多達1200名觀眾前往聆聽。[86]在1890年一篇名為《離婚與內戰》(Divorce versus Domestic Warfare)的文章中,伊麗莎白·凱迪·斯坦頓反對部份女性社會運動家所要求之更嚴格離婚法的呼籲,並為此稱駁斥道:「離婚人數的迅速增加,遠沒有出現低劣的道德狀態,且正好恰恰相反。當前女人正處於從奴役到自由的過渡時期,她並不會再接受迄今為止所單方面溫順地忍受的生活條件和婚姻生活。」。[注 28][87]
廢奴運動
1860年,伊麗莎白·凱迪·斯坦頓出版一本名為《奴隸的傾訴》(The Slaves Appeal)的宣傳冊,她在冊中透過虛構的女奴隸觀點進行書寫,[88]冊中傾訴者使用如「紐約的男女,雷神在與你談話。」[注 29]等生動的宗教語言進行傾訴,[89]雖然冊中所表達的宗教觀點與伊麗莎白·凱迪·斯坦頓本人的宗教觀點截然不同。冊中傾訴者描述了奴隸制的恐怖稱:「昨天在紐奧良市場上,你出錢所購買的那個顫抖之女孩,並非你的合法妻子。對主人和奴隸來說,這都是觸犯上帝亙古不變的律法並將為此受到神罰(英语:Damnation)的行為。」。[注 30][89]伊麗莎白·凱迪·斯坦頓透過這本宣傳冊呼籲民眾無視《聯邦逃亡奴隸法(英语:Fugitive Slave Act of 1850)》,將該宣傳冊做為反對獵捕逃亡奴隸的請願書。[88]
1863年,蘇珊·安東尼搬進位在紐約市的伊麗莎白·凱迪·斯坦頓家中,兩人開始籌組女性忠誠全國聯盟(英语:Women's Loyal National League),以爭取廢除奴隸制的美國憲法修正案。並由伊麗莎白·凱迪·斯坦頓擔任該聯盟的主席,蘇珊·安東尼擔任聯盟秘書。[92]作為美國首個全國性的女性政治組織,[93]成功在當時美國史上最大的請願活動中收集了近400,000個連署廢除奴隸制的簽名,佔北部各州中每24個成年人便有一位進行連署。[94]該請願活動極大地幫助了美國憲法第十三修正案的通過,終結自殖民地時期以來的奴隸制度,[95]最終聯盟於1864年因該修正案已明確將獲得批准而解散。[96]
她們雖然反對該草案,但仍須為組織行動做出準備,主要因在南北戰爭期間女性運動很大程度上變得消沉。1866年1月,兩人正式發出請願書以要求修改該草案並納入女性參政權相關條文,伊麗莎白·凱迪·斯坦頓將自身姓名簽署在連署單首行。[102][103]伊麗莎白·凱迪·斯坦頓和蘇珊·安東尼於1866年5月組織了第十一屆全國女性權利會議,同時這也是自南北戰爭開始以來的首次會議。[104]會議上全國女性權利會議透過投票表決決定將改組為美國平權協會(英语:American Equal Rights Association),其目的是爭取不分種族和性別所有公民參政權在內的平等權利。[105]雖然最初伊麗莎白·凱迪·斯坦頓被提議擔任協會主席,但被柳克麗霞·莫特反對。最終由伊麗莎白·凱迪·斯坦頓擔任協會第一副主席,蘇珊·安東尼擔任通訊秘書,法雷迪·道格拉斯擔任副總裁,露西·斯通擔任協會執行委員會委員。[106]伊麗莎白·凱迪·斯坦頓在本次會議上為一些與會者提供款待,如曾被奴役的廢奴主義和女性權利運動家索傑納·特魯思及蘇珊·安東尼便獲邀下榻於伊麗莎白·凱迪·斯坦頓家中。[107]
1867年,美國平權協會在堪薩斯州進行公投連署,旨在賦予非裔美國人和婦女參政權。然而溫德爾·菲利普斯以反對將兩個族群綁定在一起為由,中止美國平權協會連署活動所期望的資金項目。[111]因此到夏季末時,該協會的連署活動幾乎因財政用罄而面臨崩潰了,最終伊麗莎白·凱迪·斯坦頓和蘇珊·安東尼在連署活動的截止日前接受了支持女性權利的富商喬治·法蘭西斯·崔恩(英语:George Francis Train)近乎及時雨的資金幫助,然而也因此引發一場爭議風暴。當中喬治·法蘭西斯·崔恩因公開攻擊共和黨和貶低非裔美國人的誠信和智慧等舉動激怒許多社會運動家,[112]雖然有證據表明她們曾說服激進的喬治·法蘭西斯·崔恩拋棄他粗暴的種族主義舉止,[113]但伊麗莎白·凱迪·斯坦頓仍稱:「如果他支持女性參政權,那麼我會欣然接受魔鬼本人的支持」。[注 35][114]
在1868年美國憲法第十四修正案獲得批准後,美國平權協會內部便就提議中的美國憲法第十五修正案爆發了激烈的爭論,該修正案旨在禁止因種族而剝奪參政權。伊麗莎白·凱迪·斯坦頓和蘇珊·安東尼為首的派別對該修正案持反對態度,她們認為該修正案將具有僅賦予黑人男性權利的現象,並堅持認為所有女性和所有非裔美國人都應同時獲得參政權。伊麗莎白·凱迪·斯坦頓在《革命(英语:The Revolution (newspaper))》的報刊中表示通過賦予所有男性參政權並同時排除所有女性的參政權,最終該修正案將創造一個「性別貴族」(aristocracy of sex),並藉由憲法權威賦予人們男性優於女性的觀念。[115]露西·斯通為首的派別則反對兩人的主張,她認為雖然女性的參政權比黑人男性的參政權更有利於國家,但她仍支持該修正案並稱:「如果能將任何人從可怕的淵藪中救出,我便將為此心存感激。」。[注 36][116]
1878年,伊麗莎白·凱迪·斯坦頓和蘇珊·安東尼說服參議員艾倫·奧古斯都·薩金特(英语:Aaron Augustus Sargent)向國會提出一項有關保障女性參政權的憲法修正案,並於1920年正式批准為美國憲法第十九修正案。該修正案條文與美國憲法第十五修正案條文大抵相同,只是將「不得因種族、膚色或曾被受奴隸而剝奪和限制其參政權」條文替換為「不得因性別而否認或剝奪其參政權」。[150]
1882年5月,伊麗莎白·凱迪·斯坦頓與女兒哈麗雅特·斯坦頓(Harriet Stanton)一同前往歐洲進行為期一年六個月的旅行。此時她已經是歐洲知名的公眾人物,曾在歐洲發表過多次演講並為美國報紙撰寫報導。此次旅行中她亦前往法國拜訪了她的兒子西奧多·斯坦頓(英语:Theodore Stanton)並遇見她的首個孫子,之後變動身前往英國參加哈麗雅特·斯坦頓與英國人的婚禮。1883年3月,蘇珊·安東尼在英國與伊麗莎白·凱迪·斯坦頓會面後一同進行旅行,期間拜會了歐洲女性運動領袖為國際性女性運動組織奠定基礎。1883年11月,伊麗莎白·凱迪·斯坦頓和蘇珊·安東尼一起返回美國。[151]在全國女性參政權協會的主持下,來自9個國家53個女性組織的代表於1888年在華盛頓進行會議,同時成立了伊麗莎白·凱迪·斯坦頓和蘇珊·安東尼畢生致力創建的國際性女性運動組織國際女性理事會(英语:International Council of Women)並活躍至今。[152]
1876年,蘇珊·安東尼搬進伊麗莎白·凱迪·斯坦頓位在紐澤西的家中,開始與伊麗莎白·凱迪·斯坦頓一同編纂《女性參政權史(英语:History of Woman Suffrage)》,同時她也帶著數箱信件、剪報和其他文件來協助資料收集。[159]《女性參政權史》最初被設想為可以快速出版的入門出版物,最終演變成耗時41年進行編纂共六卷5700多頁的作品。[160]
伊麗莎白·凱迪·斯坦頓在此次為期十年的巡迴演講中,最受歡迎的講座為〈我們的女孩〉(Our Girls),講座中她敦促年輕女性尋求自我的獨立和實現。而在〈性別的對抗〉(The Antagonism of Sex)的講座中,她以一種特別熱忱的言語講解了女性權利議題。其他如〈我們的男孩〉(Our Boys)、〈混合式教育〉(Co-education)、〈結婚與離婚〉(Marriage and Divorce)和〈女性的征服〉(The Subjugation of Women)等講座亦受到人們的歡迎。而在星期天的講座中,她則藉由禮拜活動講解〈聖經中的著名女性〉(Famous Women in the Bible)和〈聖經與婦女權利〉(The Bible and Women's Rights)等主題。[166]
1880年代後期,美利堅女性參政權協會領袖露西·斯通的女兒愛麗絲·斯通·布萊克威爾(英语:Alice Stone Blackwell)開始努力修補老一輩領袖之間的裂痕。[177]當中蘇珊·安東尼謹慎配合這項工作的進行,然而伊麗莎白·凱迪·斯坦頓並未想配合該場合作,因為她對兩個組織都近乎想完全專注於女性參政權議題而感到失望。為此她寫信給朋友感嘆道:「露西和蘇珊都只看到參政權議題。她們沒有看到女性所受到的宗教和社會束縛,兩個協會中的年輕女性也沒有,因此不妨使她們聯合起來。」。[注 48][178]
1890年,全國女性參政權協會和美利堅女性參政權協會正式合併為美利堅全國女性參政權協會(英语:National American Woman Suffrage Association)。儘管伊麗莎白·凱迪·斯坦頓對新組織的發展方向感到不安,但在蘇珊·安東尼的堅持下,她最終還是接受了協會主席的職位。在美利堅全國女性參政權協會創立大會的演講中,她敦促該協會應致力於解決廣大的女性權利議題,並呼籲能擴及「摩爾門教徒、印地安人和黑人女性(英语:Black women)」在內所有信仰、種族和階級。[179]在她當選協會主席後的次日,伊麗莎白·凱迪·斯坦頓前往位在英格蘭的她女兒家中,並在此居住十八個月,以此讓蘇珊·安東尼能全權負責協會事務。1892年,伊麗莎白·凱迪·斯坦頓在美利堅全國女性參政權協會舉行的會議上明確拒絕連任協會主席,後由蘇珊·安東尼接任協會主席一職。[180]
1892年,伊麗莎白·凱迪·斯坦頓在短短幾天中發表了三次名為〈自我的孤獨〉(The Solitude of Self)的演講,其中兩次演講向美國國會委員會進行發表,另一場則是作為她在美利堅全國女性參政權協會的離別演講。[181]她認為這是她進行過最好的演講,同時該演講也獲得許多人認同及讚許,露西·斯通更將其完整記錄在《女性雜誌(英语:Woman's Journal)》上專屬伊麗莎白·凱迪·斯坦頓演講記錄的專欄中。她終生致力於推翻「女性不如男性,因此不適合獨立」的教條做出許多貢獻,她在該演講中表示:「女性必須發展自我,接受教育,培養內在力量,以及相信自己。自我主權是女性生命中最基本的要素,而不是她作為他人女兒、妻子或母親的角色。」,[注 49]同時她還說:「無論女性多麼期望他人的支撐、保護和幫助,無論男性多麼渴望讓女性這樣做,女性都必須獨自踏上屬於自己的人生旅途。」。[注 50][182][183]
1848年,伊麗莎白·凱迪·斯坦頓在為塞內卡瀑布會議創立大會所撰寫的《權利和感性宣言(英语:Declaration of Sentiments)》中,列出了一系列針對男性的控訴,如將女性排除在宗教事務和主要聖職之外。而她在其中一個控訴中稱:「男人篡奪了原屬耶和華的權力,聲稱他有權為她分配一個行動範圍,而那本應是屬於她心中的良知和上帝的。」,[注 51][185]這是唯一不同與限制女性的參政權及大學受教權等基於實體的控訴,而是一種基於信仰所發起挑戰權威和自主權基礎的控訴。[186]
^原文:「the wearied, anxious look of the majority of women, impressed me with a strong feeling that some active measures should be taken to remedy the wrongs of society in general, and of women in particular.」
^原文:「long-accumulating discontent, with such vehemence and indignation that I stirred myself, as well as the rest of the party, to do and dare anything.」
^原文:「The history of mankind is a history of repeated injuries and usurpation on the part of man toward woman, having in direct object the establishment of an absolute tyranny over her… He has not ever permitted her to exercise her inalienable right to the elective franchise. He has compelled her to submit to laws, in the formation of which she had no voice.」
^原文:「it is the duty of the women of this country to secure to themselves the sacred right of the elective franchise.」
^原文:「the single most important factor in spreading news of the women's rights movement around the country in 1848 and into the future.」
^原文:「women might have a 'purifying, elevating, softening influence' on the 'political experiment of our Republic.'」
^原文:「In writing we did better work together than either could alone. While she is slow and analytical in composition, I am rapid and synthetic. I am the better writer, she the better critic.」
^原文:「Susan became one of the family and was almost another mother to Mrs. Stanton's children.」
^原文:「Stanton provided the ideas, rhetoric, and strategy; Anthony delivered the speeches, circulated petitions, and rented the halls. Anthony prodded and Stanton produced.」
^原文:「Susan stirred the puddings, Elizabeth stirred up Susan, and then Susan stirs up the world!」
^原文:「By 1854, Anthony and Stanton 'had perfected a collaboration that made the New York State movement the most sophisticated in the country'」
^原文:「whoever goes into a parlor or before an audience with that woman does it at the cost of a fearful overshadowing, a price which I have paid for the last ten years, and that cheerfully, because I felt that our cause was most profited by her being seen and heard, and my best work was making the way clear for her.」
^原文:「No advanced step taken by women has been so bitterly contested as that of speaking in public. For nothing which they have attempted, not even to secure the suffrage, have they been so abused, condemned and antagonized.」
^原文:「Let no woman remain in relation of wife with the confirmed drunkard. Let no drunkard be the father of her children.」
^原文:「education of young men for the ministry, for the building up a theological aristocracy and gorgeous temples to the unknown God.」
^原文:「By marriage, the husband and wife are one person in law: that is, the very being or legal existence of the woman is suspended during the marriage.」
^原文:「The prejudice against color, of which we hear so much, is no stronger than that against sex. It is produced by the same cause, and manifested very much in the same way. The negro's skin and the woman's sex are both prima facie evidence that they were intended to be in subjection to the white Saxon man.」
^原文:「If a marriage did not produce the expected happiness,then it would be a duty to end it」
^原文:「divorce was not a women's rights issue because it affected both women and men equally」
^原文:「The rapidly increasing number of divorces, far from showing a lower state of morals, proves exactly the reverse. Woman is in a transition period from slavery to freedom, and she will not accept the conditions and married life that she has heretofore meekly endured.」
^原文:「Men and women of New York, the God of thunder speaks through you.」
^原文:「The trembling girl for whom thou didst pay a price but yesterday in a New Orleans market, is not thy lawful wife. Foul and damning, both to the master and the slave, is this wholesale violation of the immutable laws of God.」
^原文:「South Carolina was like a willful son whose behavior jeopardized the whole family and that the best course of action was to let it secede」
^原文:「if that word 'male' be inserted, it will take us a century at least to get it out.」
^原文:「This is a critical period for the Republican Party and the life of our Nation... I conjure you to remember that this is 'the negro's hour.'」
^原文:「Although I could not vote, there was nothing in the Constitution to prevent my from running for Congress.」
^原文:「I would accept support from the devil himself if he supported women's suffrage.」
^原文:「I will be thankful in my soul if any body can get out of the terrible pit.」
^原文:「American women of wealth, education, virtue and refinement, if you do not wish the lower orders of Chinese, Africans, Germans and Irish, with their low ideas of womanhood to make laws for you and your daughters ... demand that women too shall be represented in government.」
^派翠克(Patrick)、桑波(Sambo)、漢斯(Hans)和容東(Yung Tung)分別是對愛爾蘭裔、阿非利加裔、德意志裔和中華裔美國人的蔑稱。原文:「Patrick and Sambo and Hans and Yung Tung who do not know the difference between a Monarchy and a Republic.」
^原文:「White women already exerted a positive influence on government through the voting power of their husbands, fathers and brothers.」
^原文:「if colored men get their rights, and not colored women theirs, you see the colored men will be masters over the women, and it will be just as bad as it was before.」
^原文:「The male element is a destructive force, stern, selfish, aggrandizing, loving war, violence, conquest, acquisition … in the dethronement of woman we have let loose the elements of violence and ruin that she only has the power to curb.」
^原文:「Old friends became either enemies, like Lucy Stone, or wary associates, as in the case of Frederick Douglass.」
^原文:「The establishing of woman on her rightful throne is the greatest revolution the world has ever known or ever will know.」
^原文:「Men, their rights and nothing more: women, their rights and nothing less.」
^原文:「Well, as all women are supposed to be under the thumb of some man, I prefer a tyrant of my own sex, so I shall not deny the patent fact of my subjection.」
^原文:「$2000 above all expenses … besides stirring women generally up to rebellion.」
^原文:「Lucy & Susan alike see suffrage only. They do not see women's religious & social bondage, neither do the young women in either association, hence they may as well combine.」
^原文:「hat women must develop themselves, acquiring an education and nourishing an inner strength, a belief in themselves. Self-sovereignty was the essential element in a woman's life, not her role as daughter, wife or mother.」
^原文:「no matter how much women prefer to lean, to be protected and supported, nor how much men desire to have them do so, they must make the voyage of life alone.」
^原文:「man has usurped the prerogative of Jehovah himself, claiming it as his right to assign for her a sphere of action, when that belongs to her conscience and her God.」
^原文:「man has usurped the prerogative of Jehovah himself, claiming it as his right to assign for her a sphere of action, when that belongs to her conscience and her God.」
^原文:「Do all you can, no matter what, to get people to think on your reform, and then, if the reform is good, it will come about in due season.」
^原文:「Well, if we who do see the absurdities of the old superstitions never unveil them to others, how is the world to make any progress in the theologies? I am in the sunset of life, and I feel it to be my special mission to tell people what they are not prepared to hear.」
^原文:「I do not believe that any man ever saw or talked with God, I do not believe that God inspired the Mosaic code, or told the historians what they say he did about woman, for all the religions on the face of the earth degrade her, and so long as woman accepts the position that they assign her, her emancipation is impossible.」
^原文:「a more rational religion for the nineteenth century, and thus escape all the perplexities of the Jewish mythology as of no more importance than those of the Greek, Persian, and Egyptian.」
^原文:「volume with a pretentious title … without either scholarship or literary merit.」
^原文:「a constitutional amendment requiring an educational qualification」
^原文:「everyone who votes should read and write the English language intelligently.」
^原文:「I am opposed to the domination of one sex over the other. It cultivates arrogance in the one, and destroys the self-respect in the other. I am opposed to the admission of another man, either foreign or native, to the polling-booth, until woman, the greatest factor in civilization, is first enfranchised. An aristocracy of men, composed of all types, shades and degrees of intelligence and ignorance, is not the most desirable substratum for government. To subject intelligent, highly educated, virtuous, honorable women to the behests of such an aristocracy is the height of cruelty and injustice.」
^原文:「I dedicate this volume to Susan B. Anthony, my steadfast friend for half a century.」
^原文:「a woman, to give her something to speed her death if the problem could not be cured.」
^原文:「Oh, this awful hush! It seems impossible that voice is stilled which I have loved to hear for fifty years. Always I have felt I must have Mrs. Stanton's opinion of things before I knew where I stood myself. I am all at sea.」
^Susan B. Anthony, "Fifty Years of Work for Woman" Independent, 52 (1900-02-15), pp. 414–17, as quoted in Sherr, Lynn. Failure Is Impossible: Susan B. Anthony in Her Own Words - p.134. New York, NY: Random House. 1995. ISBN 978-0812927184.
^Cott 2000,第54,157頁:Cott says that "state legislatures' flurry of activity in passing laws on divorce and married women's property showed their hand: marriage was their political creation" p 54; and "the doctrine of coverture was being unseated in social thought and substantially defeated in the law." p. 157.
^ 88.088.1Venet 1991,第27頁:Confusingly, the Catt Center at Iowa State University reprints under the title A Slaves Appeal Stanton's speech to the New York Assembly in that same year, in which she compares the situation of women in some ways to slavery.
^Judith E. Harper. Biography. Not for Ourselves Alone: The Story of Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Susan B. Anthony. Public Broadcasting System. [2014-01-21]. (原始内容存档于2022-01-27).
^Venet 1991,第148頁:The League was called by several variations of its name, including the Women's National Loyal League.
^Dudden 2011,第164頁:The role of The Revolution during the developing split in the women's movement is discussed in chapters 6 and 7 of Dudden. An example of its use to support their wing of the movement is on page 164.
^Dubois 1978,第191-192頁:Henry Brown Blackwell, a member of the rival AWSA, said the NWSA's bylaws excluded men from membership, but Dubois says there is no evidence for that.
^Griffith 1985,第142頁:Theodore Tilton was president of the NWSA in 1870.
^ 147.0147.1Ann D. Gordon. The Trial of Susan B. Anthony(PDF). Federal Judicial Center. [2020-08-21]. (原始内容(PDF)存档于2020-11-21). This article points out (p. 20) that Supreme Court rulings did not establish the connection between citizenship and voting rights until the mid-twentieth century.
^Davis, Sue. The Political Thought of Elizabeth Cady Stanton: Women's Rights and the American Political Traditions. New York, NY: New York University Press. 2010. ISBN 978-0814720950. - p. 206. Davis says that political radicalism was one of four strands of Stanton's political thinking, which were "far from consistent" with each other.
^Wilson, Scott. Kindle , 编. Resting Places: The Burial Sites of More Than 14,000 Famous Persons, 3d ed.: 2 (Kindle Locations 44700-44701). McFarland, CA: McFarland & Company, Inc. 2016. ISBN 978-0786479924.
^"Making It Happen" by Ann D., Gordon. "Project News: Papers of Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Susan B. Anthony" - p.5. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press. 2013. ISBN 0-8135-2320-6.
Dubois, Ellen Carol (編). The Elizabeth Cady Stanton – Susan B. Anthony Reader: Correspondence, Writings, Speeches. Boston, MA: Northeastern University Press. 1994. ISBN 1-55553-149-0..
Dubois, Ellen Carol (編); Candida-Smith, Richard (編). Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Feminist as Thinker. New York,NY: New York University Press. 2007. ISBN 0-8147-1982-1..
Gordon, Ann D. (編). The Selected Papers of Elizabeth Cady Stanton & Susan B. Anthony Volume I: In the School of Anti-Slavery 1840–1866.. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press. 1997. ISBN 0-8135-2317-6..
Gordon, Ann D. (編). The Selected Papers of Elizabeth Cady Stanton & Susan B. Anthony Volume II: Against an Aristocracy of Sex 1866–1873.. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press. 2000. ISBN 0-8135-2318-4..
Gordon, Ann D. (編). The Selected Papers of Elizabeth Cady Stanton & Susan B. Anthony Volume III: National Protection for National Citizens 1873–1880.. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press. 2003. ISBN 0-8135-2319-2..
Gordon, Ann D. (編). The Selected Papers of Elizabeth Cady Stanton & Susan B. Anthony Volume IV: When Clowns Make Laws for Queens 1880–1887.. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press. 2006. ISBN 0-8135-2320-6..
Gordon, Ann D. (編). The Selected Papers of Elizabeth Cady Stanton & Susan B. Anthony Volume V: Their Place Inside the Body-Politic, 1887 to 1895. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press. 2009. ISBN 978-0-8135-2321-7..
Gordon, Ann D. (編). The Selected Papers of Elizabeth Cady Stanton & Susan B. Anthony Volume VI: An Awful Hush, 1895 to 1906. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press. 2013. ISBN 978-08135-5345-0..
Harper, Ida Husted. The Life and Work of Susan B. Anthony. Three volumes: Vol. 1, Vol. 2, Vol. 3. Indianapolis IN: Bowen-Merrill Company and Hollenbeck Press. 1898–1908. ISBN 978-1331165026. - The Life and Work of Susan B. Anthony. Three volumes: Vol. 1, Vol. 2, Vol. 3
Klein, Milton M. (編). The Empire State: a History of New York.. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press. 2001. ISBN 0-8014-3866-7..
Langley, Winston E.; Fox, Vivian C. (編). Women's Rights in the United States: A Documentary History.. Westport, CT: Praeger Publishers. 1994. ISBN 0-275-96527-9..
Lutz, Alma. Created Equal: A Biography of Elizabeth Cady Stanton, 1815–1902. John Day Company. 1940. ISBN 978-0-3749-5167-2..
McDaneld, Jen. "White Suffragist Dis/Entitlement: The Revolution and the Rhetoric of Racism." Legacy: A Journal of American Women Writers 30.2 (2013): 243–264. On racism of Anthony and Stanton in 1868–1869. online (页面存档备份,存于互联网档案馆)
Stanton, Elizabeth; Susan B, Anthony; Matilda, Joslyn Gage. History of Woman Suffrage, volumes 1 of six volumes. Rochester, N.Y.: Nabu Press. 1881. ISBN 978-1172747658..
Stanton, Elizabeth; Susan B, Anthony; Matilda, Joslyn Gage. History of Woman Suffrage, volumes 2 of six volumes. Rochester, N.Y.: Nabu Press. 1882. ISBN 978-1172747658..
Stanton, Elizabeth; Susan B, Anthony; Matilda, Joslyn Gage. History of Woman Suffrage, volumes 3 of six volumes. Rochester, N.Y.: Nabu Press. 1884. ISBN 978-1172747658..
Stanton, Theodore; Harriot, Stanton Blatch (編). Elizabeth Cady Stanton As Revealed in Her Letters Diary and Reminiscences in two volumes. New York,NY: Arno & The New York Times. 1969. ISBN 978-0-4050-0114-7..