Ethnic cleansing occurred during the Bosnian War (1992–95) as large numbers of Bosnian Muslims (Bosniaks) and Bosnian Croats were forced to flee their homes or were expelled by the Army of Republika Srpska and Serb paramilitaries.[6][7][8][9] Bosniaks and Bosnian Serbs had also been forced to flee or were expelled by Bosnian Croat forces, though on a restricted scale and in lesser numbers. The UN Security CouncilFinal Report (1994) states while Bosniaks also engaged in "grave breaches of the Geneva Conventions and other violations of international humanitarian law", they "have not engaged in "systematic ethnic cleansing"".[10] According to the report, "there is no factual basis for arguing that there is a 'moral equivalence' between the warring factions".[10]
Beginning in 1991, political upheavals in Bosnia and Herzegovina displaced about 2.7 million people by mid-1992, of which over 700,000 sought asylum in other European countries,[11][12] making it the largest exodus in Europe since World War II. It is estimated between 1.0 and 1.3 million people were uprooted in these ethnic cleansing campaigns, and that tens of thousands were killed.
The methods used during the Bosnian ethnic cleansing campaigns include "killing of civilians, rape, torture, destruction of civilian, public, and cultural property, looting and pillaging, and the forcible relocation of civilian populations".[13] Most of the perpetrators of these campaigns were Serb forces and most of the victims were Bosniaks. The UN-backed International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) later convicted several officials for persecution on political, racial and religious grounds; forced transfer and deportation constituting a crime against humanity. The Srebrenica massacre, which was also included as part of the ethnic cleansing campaign, was found to constitute the crime of genocide.
The Kingdom of Bosnia was annexed by the Ottoman Empire from 1463 until 1878. During this period, large parts of its population, mostly Bosniaks (Bosnian Muslims), converted to Islam, giving its society its multiethnic character.[14] Bosnia and Herzegovina's ethnic groups—the Bosniaks, Bosnian Serbs and Bosnian Croats—lived peacefully together from 1878 until the outbreak of World War I in 1914, before which intermittent tensions between the three groups were mostly the result of economic issues,[15] though Serbia had had territorial pretensions towards Bosnia and Herzegovina at least since 1878.[16] According to some historians, certain Serb and Croat nationalists, who practiced Orthodox and Catholic Christianity, respectively, never accepted Bosniaks as a nationality[14] and tried to assimilate them into their own cultures.[17]World War II lead to interethnic clashes, though the three groups were evenly split between various factions and did not rally universally along the ethnic lines.[15] After World War II, Bosnia and Herzegovina became part of the Socialist Federative Republic of Yugoslavia.[18]
After the death of its leader Josip Broz Tito, Yugoslavia experienced a dysfunctional political system and economic calamity in the 1980s.[19] As communism was losing its potency, new nationalist leaders Slobodan Milošević in Serbia and Franjo Tuđman in Croatia came to power.[20]Slovenia and Croatia called for reforms and a looser confederation of the state in Yugoslavia but this call was opposed by the country's government in Belgrade.[21] On 25 June 1991, Slovenia and Croatia declared independence from Yugoslavia. A short armed conflict followed in Slovenia and the Croatian War of Independence escalated.[22]Macedonia also declared independence, which Yugoslavia granted without conflict.[23] The RAM Plan began to be implemented, laying the foundations for new borders of a "Third Yugoslavia" in an effort to establish a country where "all Serbs with their territories would live together in the same state".[24]
The Izetbegović-Gligorov Plan offered a restructuring of Yugoslavia based on the principle 2+2+2, with Serbia and Montenegro as the core of an asymmetric federation, with Bosnia and Macedonia in a loose federation, and with Croatia and Slovenia in an even looser confederation. The plan was not accepted by either side.[25] In late 1991, the Serbs began establishing autonomous regions in Bosnia.[26] When the Party of Democratic Action's (SDA) representatives in the Parliament of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina announced their plan for a referendum on independence from Yugoslavia on 14 October 1991, leading Bosnian Serb politician Radovan Karadžić, of the Serb Democratic Party (SDS), made a speech at the parliamentary session and publicly threatened war and the extinction of the Bosniaks as a people.[27] On 9 January 1992, the Bosnian Serb Assembly proclaimed the "Republic of Serbian people of Bosnia and Herzegovina", which would include territory with a Serb majority and "additional territories, not precisely identified but to include areas where the Serbs had been in a majority" before World War II.[28]
On 29 February and 1 March 1992, Bosnia and Herzegovina held an independence referendum, after which it declared independence from Yugoslavia.[29] Most Bosnian Serbs wanted to remain in the same state with Serbia.[30] During the 16th session of the Bosnian Serb Assembly on 12 May 1992, Karadžić, who was by then the leader of the self-proclaimed Republika Srpska proto-state, presented his "six strategic goals", which included the "separation from the other two national communities and the separation of states", and the "creation of a corridor in the Drina Valley thus eliminating the Drina [River] as a border between Serbian states".[31] Republika Srpska General Ratko Mladić identified "Muslims and Croat hordes" as the enemy and suggested to the Assembly it must decide whether to throw them out by political means or through force.[32]
Ethnic cleansing is a purposeful policy of "rendering an area ethnically homogeneous by using force or intimidation to remove from a given area persons from another ethnic group".[43]
A report by the UN Commission of Experts dated 27 May 1994 defined ethnic cleansing as an act of "rendering an area ethnically homogenous by using force or
intimidation to remove persons of given groups from the area", and found that ethnic cleansing has been carried out through "murder, torture, arbitrary arrest and detention, extra-judicial executions, rape and sexual assaults, confinement of civilian populations in ghetto areas, forcible removal, displacement and deportation of civilian populations, deliberate military attacks or threats of attacks on civilians and civilian areas, and wanton destruction of property".[44] Such forms of persecution of a group were defined as crimes against humanity and they can also fall within the meaning of the Genocide Convention.[45]
The terms "ethnic cleansing" and "genocide" are not synonymous but academic discourse considers both to exist within a spectrum of assaults on nations or ethnoreligious groups. Ethnic cleansing is similar to the forced deportation or population transfer of a group to change the ethnic composition of a territory whereas genocide is aimed at the destruction of a group.[46] To draw a distinction between the terms, the International Court of Justice (ICJ) delivered a verdict in the Bosnian Genocide Case:
It [i.e. ethnic cleansing] can only be a form of genocide within the meaning of the [Genocide] Convention, if it corresponds to or falls within one of the categories of acts prohibited by Article II of the Convention. Neither the intent, as a matter of policy, to render an area "ethnically homogeneous", nor the operations that may be carried out to implement such policy, can as such be designated as genocide: the intent that characterizes genocide is "to destroy, in whole or in part" a particular group, and deportation or displacement of the members of a group, even if effected by force, is not necessarily equivalent to destruction of that group, nor is such destruction an automatic consequence of the displacement. This is not to say that acts described as 'ethnic cleansing' may never constitute genocide, if they are such as to be characterized as, for example, 'deliberately inflicting on the group conditions of life calculated to bring about its physical destruction in whole or in part', contrary to Article II, paragraph (c), of the Convention, provided such action is carried out with the necessary specific intent (dolus specialis), that is to say with a view to the destruction of the group, as distinct from its removal from the region. — ICJ.[47]
International reports
The United States Senate Committee on Foreign Relations published a staff report on the ethnic cleansing in Bosnia in August 1992.[48] On 17 November the same year, United Nations special rapporteurTadeusz Mazowiecki issued a report titled "Situation of Human Rights in the Territory of the Former Yugoslavia" to the United Nations (UN).[49] In the report, the ethnic cleansing in Bosnia and Herzegovina was singled out and described as a political objective of Serb nationalists who wanted to ensure control of territories with a Serb majority as well as "adjacent territories assimilated to them". Paramilitaries played a major role in ethnic cleansing, according to the report.[50]
On 18 December 1992, the United Nations General Assembly issued resolution 47/147, in which it rejected the "acquisition of territory by force" and condemned "in the strongest possible terms the abhorrent practice of 'ethnic cleansing' ", and recognised "the Serbian leadership in territories under their control in Bosnia and Herzegovina, the Yugoslav Army and the political leadership of the Republic of Serbia bear primary responsibility for this reprehensible practice".[51]
On 1 January 1993, Helsinki Watch released a report on the conflicts in the former Yugoslavia. It found ethnic cleansing was "the most egregious violations in both Croatia and Bosnia-Hercegovina" because it envisaged "summary execution, disappearance, arbitrary detention, deportation and forcible displacement of hundreds of thousands of people on the basis of their religion or nationality".[52]
United Nations Security Council Resolution 780 authorised the establishment of a Commission of Experts to record the crimes in the former Yugoslavia, including Bosnia and Herzegovina. On 27 May 1994, these reports, which described the policy of ethnic cleansing, were concluded.[53] The United States Senate Committee on Foreign Relations held a hearing on war crimes in the Balkans on 9 August 1995.[54]
On 15 November 1999, the UN released its "Report of the Secretary-General pursuant to General Assembly resolution 53/35: The fall of Srebrenica [A/54/549]", which details the fall of Srebrenica in July 1995 and found it was part of the larger Serb ethnic cleansing plan to depopulate Bosnian territories they wanted to annex so Serbs could repopulate them.[55]
Campaigns and methods
The methods used during the Bosnian ethnic cleansing campaigns included "killing of civilians, rape, torture, destruction of civilian, public, and cultural property, looting and pillaging, and the forcible relocation of civilian populations".[13] They also included administrative measures, such as one ethnic group losing their jobs, experiencing discrimination or denial of hospital treatment.[56] The forcible displacement of civilian populations was a consequence of the conflict and its objective through the ethnic cleansing campaign.[57] The Serb campaign included selective murder of civic, religious and intellectual representatives of Bosniaks and Croats; the sending of adult males into concentration camps and the rape of women. The Serb campaign also included the destruction and burning of Croat and Bosniak historical, religious and cultural sites.[58]
Between 700,000 and a 1,000,000 Bosniaks were expelled from their homes from the Bosnian territory held by the Serb forces.[59] Another source estimates that at least 750,000 Bosniaks and a smaller number of Croats were expulsed from these areas.[60] Additionally, around 30,000 Romani were also ousted.[61] Methods used to achieve this included coercion and terror in order to pressure Bosniaks, Croats and others into leaving Serb-claimed areas.[62]
The initial Constitution of Republika Srpska in Article I.1 declared that it was "the state of the Serb people", without any mention of other ethnic groups living there.[63] Numerous discriminatory measures were introduced against Bosniaks on VRS-held territory.[64] In the town of Prijedor, starting from 30 April 1992, non-Serbs were dismissed from their jobs and banned from entering the court building, and were replaced by Serbs. Bosniak intellectuals and others were deported to the Omarska camp.[65] Bosniak and Croat homes were searched for weapons and were sometimes looted.[66] On 31 May 1992, an order stipulated that non-Serbs have to mark their houses with white flags or sheets, or to wear white armbands outside their homes.[67] Serb forces accompanied non-Serbs wearing white armbands to buses that transported them to camps at Omarska, Trnopolje and Keraterm camp. Movement was restricted through a curfew and checkpoints. Radio broadcasts appealed to Serbs to "lynch" Bosniaks and Croats.[68] Torture and mistreatment in these detention centres were established as to leave inmates with no other choice then to accept the offer of their release under the condition they sign a document that compelled them to leave the area.[69]
In Banja Luka, Bosniaks and Croats were evicted from their homes, and incoming displaced Serbs took their accommodation. Forced labour imposed by the authorities hastened the flight of non-Serbs. Those leaving Banja Luka had to sign documents of abandonment of their properties without compensation.[70] Paramilitaries frequently broke into the homes of non-Serbs at night to rob and assault the occupants. In some instances, paramilitaries would shoot at the houses. The local Serb police did not prevent these sustained assaults.[7] In Zvornik, Bosniaks were given official stamps on identity cards for a change of domicile; to leave the area, they were forced to transfer their properties to an agency for the exchange of houses. Starting from May–June 1992, Bosniaks were taken by bus to Tuzla and Subotica in Serbia. Some residents were ordered to leave at gunpoint. Similar forced removals occurred in Foča, Vlasenica, Brčko, Bosanski Šamac, and other Bosnian towns.[70] In the villages around Vlasenica, the Serb Special Police Platoon was ordered by Miroslav Kraljević that the territory has to be "100 % clean" and that no Bosniak should remain.[71]UNHCR representatives were reluctant to help Bosniaks leave war-affected areas, fearing they would become unwilling accomplices to the ethnic cleansing.[72] Foča was renamed Srbinje (The Place of the Serbs). One Bosniak woman, who was raped, said her rapist told her his aim was to baptise and convert all of them to Serbs.[73]
In Kozluk in June 1992, Bosniaks were rounded up and placed in trucks and trains to remove them from the area.[74] In Bijeljina, non-Serbs were also evicted from their homes and dismissed from their jobs.[75] Arrested non-Serbs were sent to the Batković camp,[76] where they performed forced labor on the front lines.[77] Serb paramilitary singled out Bosniaks and used violence against them. In the Višegrad massacres of 1992, hundreds of Bosniaks were rounded up on a bridge, shot and thrown into the river or locked in houses and burnt alive; Bosniak women were raped and a Bosniak man was tied to a car and dragged around the town.[78] 70% of all expulsions occurred between April and August 1992, when the Serb forces attacked 37 municipalities across Bosnia, reducing the non-Serb population from 726,960 (54%) in 1991 to 235,015 (36%) in 1997. 850 Bosniak and Croat villages were razed to the ground.[61]
The VRS placed Bosniak enclaves under siege.[79] After the VRS takeover of Srebrenica on 11 July 1995, 7,475 Bosniaks were massacred[80] while a further 23,000 people were bused out of the area by 13 July.[81] Overall, the Serb forces killed approximately 50,000 non-Serbs across Bosnia in order to force many others into leaving.[82]
In early 1992, as VRS forces were advancing towards Odžak and Bosanska Posavina, Croat forces routed Serb civilians living in the area and transported them to Croatia. They also expelled Serbs from Herzegovina and burned their houses in May 1992.[83] In 1993, the Bosnian Croat authorities used ethnic cleansing in conjunction with the attack on Mostar, where Bosniaks were placed in Croat-run detention camps. Croat forces evicted Bosniaks from the western part of Mostar and from other towns and villages, including Stolac and Čapljina.[84] To assume power in communities in Central Bosnia and Western Herzegovina that were coveted by the HR BH, its president Mate Boban ordered the Croatian Defence Council (HVO) to start persecuting Bosniaks living in these territories. Croat forces used "artillery, eviction, violence, rape, robbery and extortion" to expel or kill the Bosniak population, some of whom were detained in the Heliodrom and Dretelj camps. The Ahmići and Stupni Do massacres had the aim of removing Bosniaks from these areas.[85]
Croat soldiers blew up Bosniak businesses and shops in some towns. They arrested thousands of Bosniak civilians and tried to remove them from Herzegovina by deporting them to third countries.[86] HR HB forces purged Serbs and Bosniaks from government offices and the police. The Bosniaks of HR HB-designated areas were increasingly harassed.[87] In Vitez and Zenica in April 1993, Croat soldiers warned Bosniaks they would be killed in three hours unless they left their homes.[88] 5,000 Bosniaks were expelled from the Vitez region[89] and 20,000–25,000 from the Croat-controlled part of Mostar.[90] Similar events occurred in Prozor, where Bosniaks left after Croat forces took over the city, looting and burning Bosniak shops.[91]
Bosniak forces
According to the UN Security Council's "Final Report (1994)", Bosniaks engaged in "grave breaches of the Geneva Conventions and other violations of international humanitarian law" but they did not engage in "systematic ethnic cleansing".[10] Bosnian prosecutors charged former members of the Bosnian Army with crimes against humanity against Serbs, with the aim of expelling them from Konjic and surrounding villages in May 1992.[92][93] During the 1993 siege of Goražde, Bosniak forces expelled some Serbs from the town and placed others under house arrest.[94] Similar incidents occurred in March 1993 when Bosniak authorities initiated a campaign to expel Croats from Konjic. Thousands of Croat civilians were also expelled from Bugojno in 1993 and 1994 by the Army of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina.[95][84] During the siege of Sarajevo, Bosniak paramilitary leader Mušan Topalović and his forces abducted and killed mostly Serbs living in and around the Sarajevo suburb Bistrik before Bosnian police killed Topalović in October 1993.[96] After the war, Croats left Vareš, fearing Bosniak revenge. The departure of Croats from Sarajevo, Tuzla and Zenica had different motives, which were not always the direct consequence of pressure by Bosniaks.[62]
Demographic changes
According to the 1991 census, Bosnia and Herzegovina had a population of 4,364,574, of whom 43.7% were Bosniaks, 31.4% were Serbs, 17.3% were Croats and 5.5% were Yugoslavs.[97] In 1981, around 16% of the population were of mixed ancestry.[98] Serbs constituted 31% of Bosnia and Herzegovina's populace but Karadžić claimed 70% of the country's territory.[99] The organizers of the ethnic cleansing campaign wanted to replace Bosnia's multiethnic society with a society based on Serb nationalist supremacy,[100] which was seen as a form of Serbianisation of these areas.[101] Indian academic Radha Kumar described such territorial separation of groups based on their nationality as "ethnic apartheid".[102]
It is estimated between 1.0[4] and 1.3 million[5] people were uprooted and that tens of thousands were killed during the ethnic cleansing.[1] Serb forces perpetrated most of the ethnic cleansing campaigns and the majority of the victims were Bosniaks.[103][104]
In September 1994, UNHCR representatives estimated around 80,000 non-Serbs out of 837,000 who initially lived on the Serb-controlled territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina before the war remained there; an estimated removal of 90% of the Bosniak and Croat inhabitants of Serb-coveted territory, almost all of whom were deliberately forced out of their homes.[105] By the end of the war in late 1995, the Bosnian Serb forces had expelled or killed 95% of all non-Serbs living in the territory they annexed.[106] In one municipality, Zvornik, the Bosniak and Croat population dropped from 31,000 in 1991 to less than 1,000 in 1997.[61]
Bosnian professor Murat Prašo analysed the demographic changes of the region from 1991 and 1995, and found that prior to the war, the Bosnian territory held by the Army of the Republika Srpska was 47% Serbs, 33% Bosniaks and 13% Croats. After the war, according to his research, in 1995 Serbs composed 89%, while Bosniaks made 3% and Croats 1% of the remaining population.[107] In the Bosnian territory held by the HVO and the Croatian Army, before the war, Croats composed 49% of the population; this percentage rose to 96% in 1996. By the same year, the percentage of Bosniaks fell from 22% to 2.5% and the percentage of Serbs fell from 25% to 0.3%. Before the war, Bosniaks composed 57% of the populace of territory controlled by the Bosnian government; at the end of the war, they composed 74%.[107]
1991–1995 demographic changes, based on the pre-Dayton Agreement territorial control, according to Murat Prašo[108]
Croatian historian Saša Mrduljaš analysed the demographic changes based on the territorial control following the Dayton Agreement. According to his research, in Republika Srpska, the number of Bosniaks changed from 473,000 in 1991 to 100,000 in 2011, the number of Croats from 151,000 to 15,000, and the number of Serbs changed from 886,000 to 1,220,000.[109] In the territory controlled by the ARBiH, the number of Serbs changed from 400,000 to 50,000, the number of Croats changed from 243,000 to 110,000, and the number of Bosniaks changed from 1,323,000 to 1,550,000.[110] In the HVO-held area, the number of Serbs changed from 80,000 to 20,000, the number of Bosniaks changed from 107,000 to 70,000, and the number of Croats changed 367,000 in 1991 to 370,000 in 2011.[110]
1991–2011 demographic changes, based on the 1995/1996 territorial control, according to Saša Mrduljaš[111]
Initial estimates placed the number of refugees and internally displaced people during the Bosnian War at 2.7 million,[11] though later publications by the UN cite 2.2 million people who fled or were forced from their homes.[114] It was the largest exodus in Europe since World War II.[72] A million people were internally displaced and 1.2 million people left the country;[115] 685,000 fled to western Europe—330,000 of whom went to Germany—and 446,500 went to other former Yugoslav republics.[116] The Bosnian War ended when the Dayton Agreement was signed on 14 December 1995; it stipulated Bosnia and Herzegovina was to stay a united country shared by Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina (FBiH) and Republika Srpska, and granted the right of return for victims of ethnic cleansing.[117]
Number of refugees or internally displaced in 1992–1995
The homogenization of the population continued after the war finished.[119] When the Serb-held areas of Sarajevo were transferred to the FBiH in March 1996,[119] many Serbs left Sarajevo in the ensuing months.[120] Between 60,000[121] and 90,000[122] Serbs left Sarajevo's suburbs. This was interpreted as a result of Dayton's division of Bosnia along ethnic lines.[122] The Bosnian Serbs' politicians pressured Serbs into leaving Sarajevo while the mixed statements of the Bosnian government caused a lack of confidence among Serb inhabitants.[122] Bosnian Serb extremists burned apartments and expelled Serbs who wanted to stay in these suburbs before the handover to the Bosnian government. In Ilidža, medicine, machines and utility equipment disappeared. Serb politician Momčilo Krajišnik publicly called for Serbs to leave Sarajevo, which prompted a UN press officer to call the Serb authorities "the masters of manipulation".[121] This episode is often cited as "difficult to distinguish between coercion and voluntarism".[123]
The demographic changes caused by the conflict in Bosnia and Herzegovina were the most dramatic that country had experienced in a century; the 2013 population census registered 3,531,159 inhabitants—a more-than-19% decline within a single generation.[124]
Destruction of religious buildings
Islamic
Destruction of Islamic religious buildings in Bosnia (1992–1995)[125]
Destroyed by Serbs
Destroyed by Croats
Damaged by Serbs
Damaged by Croats
Total destroyed during the war
Total damaged during the war
Total
Total no. before the war
Percentage of pre-war damaged or destroyed
congregational mosque
249
58
540
80
307
620
927
1,149
81%
small neighbourhood mosque
21
20
175
43
41
218
259
557
47%
Quran schools
14
4
55
14
18
69
87
954
9%
Dervish lodges
4
1
3
1
5
4
9
15
60%
Mausolea, shrines
6
1
34
3
7
37
44
90
49%
Buildings of religious endowments
125
24
345
60
149
405
554
1,425
39%
Total
419
108
1,152
201
527
1,353
1,880
4,190
45%
Orthodox
Destruction of Orthodox religious buildings in Bosnia (1992–1995)[126]
Destroyed churches
Damaged churches
Destroyed parish homes
Damaged parish homes
Banja Luka Eparchy
2
3
No data
No data
Bihačko-Petrovac Diocese
26
68
No data
No data
Dabrobosanska Eparchy
23
13
No data
No data
Zahumsko-hercegovačka
36
28
No data
No data
Zvornik-tuzlanska
38
60
No data
No data
Total
125
172
67
64
Catholic
In 1998, Bosnian bishops reported 269 Catholic churches had been destroyed in the Bosnian War.[127]
Total number of destroyed Catholic religious objects in Bosnia and Herzegovina (1992–1995)[128]
Destroyed by Muslims
Destroyed by Serbs
Damaged by Muslims
Damaged by Serbs
Total destroyed during the war
Total damaged during the war
Total
churches
8
117
67
120
125
187
312
chapels
19
44
75
89
63
164
227
clergy houses
9
56
40
121
65
161
226
monasteries
0
8
7
15
8
22
30
cemeteries
8
0
61
95
8
156
164
Total
44
225
250
481
269
731
1000
Destruction of housing units
Around 500,000 of the 1,295,000 housing units in Bosnia were either damaged or destroyed; 50% were damaged and 6% destroyed in FBiH while 24% were damaged and 5% destroyed in RS.[129] Some of the destruction was incidental damage from combat but most of the extensive destruction and plunder was part of a deliberate plan of ethnic cleansing that was aimed at preventing expelled people from returning to their homes.[130] Half of the schools and a third of the hospitals in the country were also damaged or destroyed.[131]
In its verdict against Karadžić, the ICTY found there was a joint criminal enterprise that aimed to forcibly resettle non-Serbs from large parts of Bosnia, and that it existed from October 1991:
... the Chamber finds that together with the Accused, Krajišnik, Koljević, and Plavšić shared the intent to effect the common plan to permanently remove Bosnian Muslims and Bosnian Croats from Bosnian Serb claimed territory, and through their positions in the Bosnian Serb leadership and involvement throughout the Municipalities, they contributed to the execution of the common plan from October 1991 until at least 30 November 1995.[148]
In the judgement against Bosnian Croat leader Dario Kordić, the ICTY found there was a plan to remove Bosniaks from Croat-claimed territory:
... the Trial Chamber draws the inference from this evidence (and the evidence of other HVO attacks in April 1993) that there was by this time a common design or plan conceived and executed by the Bosnian Croat leadership to ethnically cleanse the Lašva Valley of Muslims. Dario Kordić, as the local political leader, was part of this design or plan, his principal role being that of planner and instigator of it.[149]
^ abcIdentifier Yugoslav(s) has been used both as an ethnic or supra-ethnic/national label and as a demonym for citizens and inhabitants of the former Yugoslavia. Following the breakup of Yugoslavia and the Yugoslav Wars, the vast majority of those who once identified themselves as "Yugoslavs" abandoned the label in favor of traditional ethnic ones or national identities of the successor nations. In some instances, especially in multi-ethnic historical entities, some people chose to use sub-national and regional identifications like Istria–Istrians (see Istrian identity), Vojvodina–Vojvođans.[112][113]
^The ICTY defined persecution as a discriminatory policy aimed against a particular group by targeting them through "killings, physical and psychological abuse, rape, establishment and perpetuation of inhumane living conditions, forcible transfer or deportation, terrorising and abuse, forced labour at front lines and the use of human shields, plunder of property, wanton destruction of private property, including cultural monuments and sacred sites, and imposition and maintenance of restrictive and discriminatory measures".[132]
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Džankic, Jelena (2016). Citizenship in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Macedonia and Montenegro: Effects of Statehood and Identity Challenges. London, New York City: Routledge. ISBN9781317165798.
McEvoy, Joanne (2015). Power-Sharing Executives: Governing in Bosnia, Macedonia, and Northern Ireland. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press. ISBN9780812246513.
Mojzes, Paul (2011). Balkan Genocides: Holocaust and Ethnic Cleansing in the Twentieth Century. Lanham, Maryland: Rowman & Littlefield. ISBN9781442206656. OCLC785575178.
Petrovic, Jadranka (2012). The Old Bridge of Mostar and Increasing Respect for Cultural Property in Armed Conflict. Leiden, Boston: Martinus Nijhoff Publishers. ISBN9789004235540.
Stojarova, Vera (2019). "Characteristics of the Balkans: 1989–2019 in South East Europe: Dancing in a Vicious Circle?". In Eibl, Otto; Gregor, Miloš (eds.). Thirty Years of Political Campaigning in Central and Eastern Europe. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan. ISBN9783030276935.
Mrduljaš, Saša (2011). "Značenje političkih odnosa u Bosni i Hercegovini za Dalmaciju" [Relevance of the political relations in Bosnia and Herzegovina to Dalmatia]. New Presence: Review for Intellectual and Spiritual Questions (in Croatian). 9 (3). Institute of Social Sciences Ivo Pilar: 521–544.
Ivan Ergić Informasi pribadiNama lengkap Ivan ErgićTanggal lahir 21 Januari 1981 (umur 43)Tempat lahir Šibenik, YugoslaviaTinggi 1,85 m (6 ft 1 in)Posisi bermain GelandangKarier junior1997–1998 AISKarier senior*Tahun Tim Tampil (Gol)1999–2000 Perth Glory 23 (10)2000–2001 Juventus 0 (0)2001–2009 FC Basel 202 (31)2009–2011 Bursaspor 58 (9)Total 283 (50)Tim nasional‡2006–2008 Serbia 11 (0) * Penampilan dan gol di klub senior hanya dihitung dari liga domestik …
Koordinat: 51°29′56″N 0°05′24″W / 51.4988°N 0.0901°W / 51.4988; -0.0901 Southwark Borough Katedral Southwark Southwark Letak Southwark di Britania Raya Ref. grid OS TQ325795 Borough London Southwark County seremonial Greater London Wilayah London Negara konstituen England Negara berdaulat Britania Raya Kota pos LONDON Distrik kode pos SE1 Kode telepon 020 Polisi Pemadam kebakaran Ambulans Parlem…
Mariner 4OperatorNASATipe misiFly-byFlyby ofMarsTanggal perluncuran28 November 1964Wahana peluncurAtlas-Agena DID COSPAR1964-077A Mariner 4 adalah wahana angkasa NASA. Wahana ini merupakan wahana keempat dalam program Mariner. Mariner 4 dikirim untuk menyelidiki planet Mars dan merupakan misi Mars pertama yang berhasil. Wahana ini diluncurkan pada 28 November 1964 di Cape Canaveral Air Force Station. Mariner 4 mencapai Mars setelah perjalanan selama delapan bulan dan menjadi wahana pertama yang …
Halaman ini berisi artikel tentang novel karya Mira W. Untuk seri televisi berjudul sama, lihat Dari Jendela SMP (seri televisi). Dari Jendela SMP PengarangMira W.NegaraIndonesiaBahasaBahasa IndonesiaDiterbitkan1983PenerbitPT Gramedia Pustaka UtamaJenis mediaCetak & digitalISBNISBN 9789792249132OCLC67201358 Dari Jendela SMP adalah sebuah novel karya Mira W. yang diterbitkan pada 1983. Novel ini pernah diadaptasi menjadi film Biarkan Kami Bercinta karya Wim Umboh, seri televisi Dari Jend…
إن حيادية وصحة هذه المقالة محلُّ خلافٍ. ناقش هذه المسألة في صفحة نقاش المقالة، ولا تُزِل هذا القالب من غير توافقٍ على ذلك. (نقاش) (مايو 2016) الرهبانية الأنطونية هي جماعة كنسية مسيحية مارونية انطلقت بنظامها الحالي في بداية القرن الثامن عشر، بمبادرة من المطران جبرائيل البلوزاني …
Peta Lokasi Kota Kediri Berikut ini adalah daftar kecamatan dan kelurahan di kota Kediri, Jawa Timur, Indonesia. Kota Kediri terdiri dari 3 kecamatan dan 46 kelurahan (dari total 666 kecamatan, 777 kelurahan, dan 7.724 desa di Jawa Timur). Pada tahun 2017, jumlah penduduknya mencapai 287.528 jiwa dengan luas wilayah 63,40 km² dan sebaran penduduk 4.535 jiwa/km².[1][2] Daftar kecamatan dan kelurahan di Kota Kediri adalah sebagai berikut: Kode Kemendagri Kecamatan Jumlah Keluraha…
Wakil Bupati PohuwatoPetahanaHj. Suharsi Igirisa, S.IP., M.Si.sejak 26 Februari 2021Masa jabatan5 tahunDibentuk2005Pejabat pertamaIr. H. Yusuf Giasi Berikut ini adalah daftar Wakil Bupati Pohuwato dari masa ke masa. No Wakil Bupati Mulai Jabatan Akhir Jabatan Prd. Ket. Bupati 1 Ir. H.Yusuf Giasi 2005 2010 1 H.Zainuddin HasanM.B.A. 2 Drs. H.Amin Haras 22 September 2010 22 September 2015 2 H.Syarif MbuingaS.Pd.I., S.E., M.M. Jabatan kosong 22 September 2015 28 September 2015 - &…
Surat Yohanes yang KetigaGambar Rasul Yohanes di minuscule 482.KitabSurat 3 YohanesKategoriSurat-surat umumBagian Alkitab KristenPerjanjian BaruUrutan dalamKitab Kristen25← 2 Yohanes Surat Yudas → Bagian dari Alkitab KristenPerjanjian BaruLukas 7:36-37 pada Papirus 3 Injil Matius Markus Lukas Yohanes SejarahKisah Para Rasul Surat Surat-surat Paulus Roma 1 Korintus 2 Korintus Galatia Efesus Filipi Kolose 1 Tesalonika 2 Tesalonika 1 Timotius 2 Timotius Titus Filemon Ibrani Surat-surat …
Химический знак двухатомной молекулы хлора-35 Символы химических элементов на почтовой марке СССР, посвящённой 20 конгрессу ИЮПАК, проводившемуся в 1965 году в Москве Символы химических элементов — условное обозначение химических элементов. Вместе с химическими формула…
37th ministry of government of Australia See also: Menzies government (1949–1966) Seventh Menzies ministry37th Ministry of AustraliaThe Cabinet of the Seventh Menzies ministry at their swearing-inDate formed11 January 1956Date dissolved10 December 1958People and organisationsMonarchElizabeth IIGovernor-GeneralSir William SlimPrime MinisterRobert MenziesNo. of ministers24Member partyLiberal–Country coalitionStatus in legislatureCoalition majority governmentOpposition partyLaborOpposition lead…
You can help expand this article with text translated from the corresponding article in Vietnamese. (March 2009) Click [show] for important translation instructions. View a machine-translated version of the Vietnamese article. Machine translation, like DeepL or Google Translate, is a useful starting point for translations, but translators must revise errors as necessary and confirm that the translation is accurate, rather than simply copy-pasting machine-translated text into the English Wik…
Polish footballer This biography of a living person needs additional citations for verification. Please help by adding reliable sources. Contentious material about living persons that is unsourced or poorly sourced must be removed immediately from the article and its talk page, especially if potentially libelous.Find sources: Władysław Żmuda – news · newspapers · books · scholar · JSTOR (November 2018) (Learn how and when to remove this template messag…
Pour les articles homonymes, voir Humanisme (homonymie) et Renaissance (homonymie). Cet article concerne l'humanisme de la Renaissance. Pour le courant de pensée général, voir Renaissance (période historique). Quatre philosophes humanistes pensionnés par les Médicis : Marsile Ficin, Cristoforo Landino, Ange Politien et Démétrios Chalcondyle (fresque de Domenico Ghirlandaio). L'humanisme est un mouvement de pensée européen pendant la Renaissance qui se caractérise par un retou…
Simon van der MeerSimon van der MeerLahir(1925-11-24)24 November 1925Den Haag, BelandaMeninggal4 Maret 2011(2011-03-04) (umur 85)Jenewa, SwissKebangsaanBelandaDikenal ataspendinginan stokastikPenghargaanPenghargaan Nobel dalam FisikaKarier ilmiahBidangFisika Simon van der Meer (24 November 1925 – 4 Maret 2011) adalah seorang fisikawan akselerator Belanda yang menemukan konsep pendinginan stokastik pada pertumbukan, yang memungkinkan penemuan partikel W dan Z pada benda tumbu…
بنديجو (بالإنجليزية: Bendigo)[1] تاريخ التأسيس 1851 تقسيم إداري البلد أستراليا [2][3] التقسيم الأعلى فيكتوريا خصائص جغرافية إحداثيات 36°45′00″S 144°16′00″E / 36.75°S 144.26666666667°E / -36.75; 144.26666666667 المساحة 146 كيلومتر مربع الارتفاع 221 متر السكان الت…
Alphabetical list of named rocks and meteorites found on Mars Martian rocks redirects here. For Martian meteorites found on Earth, see List of Martian meteorites. This is an alphabetical list of named rocks (and meteorites) found on Mars, by mission. This list is a sampling of rocks viewed, and is not an exhaustive listing. A more complete listing may be found on the various NASA mission web sites. This listing does not include Martian meteorites found on Earth. Names for Mars rocks are largely …
Pour les articles homonymes, voir Hogues. Pont Camille-de-Hogues Pont Camille-de-Hogues vu de l'amont Géographie Pays France Région Nouvelle-Aquitaine Département Vienne Commune Châtellerault Coordonnées géographiques 46° 48′ 49″ N, 0° 32′ 15″ E Fonction Franchit Vienne Fonction pont routier Caractéristiques techniques Type Pont en béton armé Longueur 140 m Largeur 8 m Matériau(x) Béton armé Construction Construction 1899-1900 Concept…
Settler and founder of Portland, Maine This article includes a list of references, related reading, or external links, but its sources remain unclear because it lacks inline citations. Please help improve this article by introducing more precise citations. (May 2022) (Learn how and when to remove this message) A statue of Cleeve on Portland's waterfront (2013) George Cleeve (c. 1586–after November 1666) was an English early settler and founder of today's Portland, Maine. He was Deputy Pr…