The European balance of power is a tenet in international relations that no single power should be allowed to achieve hegemony over a substantial part of Europe. During much of the Modern Age, the balance was achieved by having a small number of ever-changing alliances contending for power,[1] which culminated in the World Wars of the early 20th century. By 1945, European-led global dominance and rivalry had ended and the doctrine of European balance of power was replaced by a worldwide balance of power involving the United States and the Soviet Union as the modern superpowers.[citation needed]
Most of the crusades did not achieve their objective, but some of them had a massive impact on the political and economic landscape of Europe: the first crusade (1099) re-opened the trade routes in the Mediterranean and ushered the commercial revolution; the fourth crusade (1204) resulted in the formation of the Venetian maritime empire; and the sixth crusade (1228) temporarily made Frederick II, heir of both the Kingdom of Sicily and the Holy Roman Empire, also King of Jerusalem. At the same time, was taking place in the Iberian peninsula and the kingdoms of Portugal, Castile and Aragon were formed. A vast part of the French nobility took part in the crusades under the leadership of their king: this made possible the formation of a strong centralized French monarchy. The rise of medieval France began with the Battle of Bouvines (1224) and the Avignon Papacy (1309) but ended with the outbreak of the Hundred Years' War (1337) with England and the return of the papacy to Rome (1378). After Europe recovered from the Black Death, the goldsmithJohannes Gutenberg invented the movable-type printing press, which started the Printing Revolution. A Renaissance in art and science began in Italy and spread to the rest of the continent.[7]
In the 16th and 17th centuries, English and Dutchforeign policy strove to prevent a creation of a single universal monarchy in Europe, which many[14] believed France or Spain might attempt to create. To maintain the balance of power, the English and Dutch made alliances with other states—including Portugal and the Holy Roman Empire—to counter the perceived threat. These Grand Alliances reached their height in the wars against Louis XIV and Louis XV of France. They often involved the English (later the British) and Dutch paying large subsidies to European allies to finance large armies.
After the end of the Napoleonic Wars, during which France directly or indirectly controlled much of Europe except for Russia, and the Holy Roman Empire was dissolved, the Concert of Europe tried to maintain the balance of power. The territorial boundaries agreed to by the victorious Great Powers (Prussia, Austria, Russia and Great Britain) at the Congress of Vienna in 1815 were maintained, and even more important there was an acceptance of the theme of balance with no major aggression.[16] Otherwise the Congress system says historian Roy Bridge, "failed" by 1823.[17] In 1818, the British decided not to become involved in continental issues that did not directly affect them. They rejected the plan of Tsar Alexander I to suppress future revolutions. The Concert system fell apart as the common goals of the Great Powers were replaced by growing political and economic rivalries.[18] Artz says the Congress of Verona in 1822 "marked the end."[19] There was no Congress called to restore the old system during the great revolutionary upheavals of 1848 with their demands for revision of the Congress of Vienna's frontiers along national lines.[20]
Britain, with its naval, maritime, commercial and financial dominance, was committed to the European balance of power after 1815.[21] Between the 1830s and 1850, Britain and France were the strongest powers in Europe, but by the 1850s they had become deeply concerned by the growing power of Russia, which had expanded westward towards Central Europe, and Prussia, which was increasingly assuming greater control and influence over the German lands, aside from Austria. The Crimean War of 1854–55 and the Italian War of 1859 shattered the relations among the Great Powers in Europe.[22]
The creation in 1871 and rise of the Prussian-led German Empire (excluding Austria) as a dominant nation (Prussia had quickly defeated both Austria and France in wars) restructured the European balance of power. For the next twenty years, Otto von Bismarck managed to maintain the balance of power, by proposing treaties and creating many complex alliances between the European nations such as the Triple Alliance.[23][24][25]
World Wars
After 1890, the German Emperor Kaiser Wilhelm II set out on his imperialist course of Weltpolitik ("world politics") to increase the empire's influence in and control over the world.[26][27] Newly created alliances were proven to be fragile, something that triggered the First World War in 1914 with Germany and Austria-Hungary on one-side against Great Britain, France, Italy and Russia (until 1917) on the other.[28] One of the objectives of the Treaty of Versailles, the main post-World War I treaty, was to abolish the dominance of the 'Balance of Power' concept and replace it with the (global) League of Nations and to form countries based mostly on ethnicity (although the diminished Austria containing only its German-speaking lands and the majority-German areas of the Czech lands were not permitted to join Germany).
This idea floundered as Europe split into three principal factions in the 1920s and 1930s: liberal democratic states led by the UK and France, communist states led by the Soviet Union, and authoritarian nationalists led by Germany and Italy. The failure of the democratic states to prevent the advance of Nazi Germany ultimately led to the Second World War, which led to a temporary alliance between the UK and the Soviets. The UK did not condemn the Soviet invasion of Poland in 1939, but declared war on Germany. Later, they sided with the Soviet Union against Germany after the Axis invasion of the Soviet Union.
The term G4 is especially (although not only) used to describe meeting of the four nations at the leaders' level. In addition, the term EU three (or G-3) was used to describe the grouping of foreign ministers from France, the United Kingdom, (at the time is still a European Union member state) and Germany (now re-unified) during the Iran nuclear talks. On the other hand, the grouping of interior ministers that includes Spain and Poland is known as the G6. Germany (which has the largest economy in Europe) is often regarded as the EU's economic leader, such as with the ongoing European sovereign debt crisis, whilst France and the United Kingdom (both permanent members of the UNSC) often lead in defence and foreign policy matters, such as the intervention in Libya in 2011. This, to an extent, represents a balancing of leadership power for the Western sphere of the continent.[citation needed] How this balance will change after the Brexit vote in 2016 and the UK's exit from the European Union in 2020 is still an open matter.[30]
However, there continues to be a wider, strategic balance of Western and (now) Russian power, albeit with the boundary between the two pushed further east since the collapse of the Soviet Union, with many former Communist countries in Central Europe having since joined the EU and NATO.[citation needed]
^Daniel Deudney, "'A Republic for Expansion': The Roman Constitution and Empire and Balance-of-Power Theory." The Balance of Power in World History (Palgrave Macmillan, London, 2007) pp. 148–175. online
^MacKenzie, Philip (1996). Equilibrium: An Analysis of the Balance of Power Between European Nations. New York: Granger Press. p. 275.
^John R. Davis, "Britain and the European balance of power." A companion to nineteenth-century Britain (2004): 34+ online
^Gordon Craig, "The System of Alliances and the Balance of Power." in J.P.T. Bury, ed., The New Cambridge Modern History, Vol. 10: The Zenith of European Power, 1830–70 (1960) p 266.
^Roy Bridge, "Allied Diplomacy in Peacetime: The Failure of the Congress 'System,' 1815–23" in Alan Sked, ed., Europe's Balance of Power, 1815–1848 (1979), pp 34–53
^C.W. Crawley, "International Relations, 1815–1830" in C.W. Crawley, ed., The New Cambridge Modern History: Volume 9, War and Peace in an Age of Upheaval, 1793–1830. Vol. 9 (1965) pp 669–71, 676–77, 683–86.
^Frederick B. Artz, Reaction & Revolution: 1814–1832 (1934) p 170.
^Paul W. Schroeder, The Transformation of European Politics: 1763–1848 (1996) p 800.
^John R. Davis, "Britain and the European Balance of Power," in Chris Williams, ed., A Companion to Nineteenth‐Century Britain (2004) pp 34–52.
^René Albrecht-Carrié, A diplomatic history of Europe since the Congress of Vienna (1958) pp 65–68, 84–106.
^Erich Eyck, Bismarck and the German Empire (1964) pp 58–68
^René Albrecht-Carrié, A diplomatic history of Europe since the Congress of Vienna (1958) pp 163–206.
Deyermond, Alan (1985). "The Death and Rebirth of Visigothic Spain in the Estoria de España". Revista Canadiense de Estudios Hispánicos. 9 (3): 345–67.
Hillgarth, J. N. (2009). The Visigoths in History and Legend. Toronto: Pontifical Institute for Medieval Studies.
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