Süddeutsche Monatshefte ("South German Monthly", also credited as Süddeutscher Monatshefte) was a German magazine published in Munich between January 1904 and September 1936. After beginnings as an art and literary venue, liberal but highly critical of modernism, it made a turn toward politics before World War I. Especially supportive of German conservatism, it was also sympathetic toward Völkisch ideologists, and published propaganda in favor of militarist politicians such as Alfred von Tirpitz. Having for its founder and editor Paul Nikolaus Cossmann, an assimilated Jew, Süddeutsche Monatshefte was generally antisemitic—strongly so after 1920, when it hosted calls for racial segregation.
Its publication of conspiracy theories such as the stab-in-the-back myth paved the way for Nazi propaganda, but Süddeutsche Monatshefte was more closely aligned with the mainstream right. It played a part in conspiratorial alliances supporting the policies of Gustav von Kahr, although it also had Conservative Revolutionaries among its core contributors. In its late years, Süddeutsche Monatshefte turned to Bavarian nationalism and Wittelsbach loyalism, becoming a target for the Nazi regime. Cossmann was imprisoned for dissidence, then deported for his Jewishness; Leo Hausleiter [de] took over, leading Süddeutsche Monatshefte until its disestablishment in 1936.
Beginnings
Established as a mainly social-liberal tribune by Cossmann, a Jewish writer who had converted to Catholicism, Süddeutsche Monatshefte initially sought to reaffirm the cultural importance of Southern Germany and solidify its symbiotic relationship with Prussia, creating cultural bridges between Catholics and Protestants.[3] Joining the directorial staff in the first edition was liberal pastor-politician Friedrich Naumann (its political director to 1913),[4] who shared editorial oversight with painter Hans Thoma and composer Hans Pfitzner.[5] Protestant social reformer Martin Rade [de] and Joseph Schnitzer, a Modernist Catholic, were noted guest writers, with Cossmann acting as neutral host.[6] During the federal election of 1907, the magazine hosted debates between Schnitzer and Center Party militant Martin Spahn [de], on Political Catholicism and its role in society (a divisive one, according to Schnitzer).[7] However, according to historian Adam R. Seipp, Süddeutsche Monatshefte was mainly an interface for traditional Munich—Catholic, "deeply conservative", "suspicious of outside influences", and antithetical to the modernist Simplicissimus.[8]
Some of the cultural and social chronicles had nationalist undertones, debating over the requirements of German modernization. As Anglophiles, Hofmiller, Lujo Brentano, and Theodor Vogelstein [de] suggested fusing Anglo–American lessons in modernity with the German Volkstum, to make Germany a more competitive capitalist nation; in 1906, a Dr. Paul Tesdorf went further, promoting eugenics as a means to engineer a better people.[10] In contrast, Naumann and other authors worried about finance capitalism and oligopolies, exhorting a German nationalism based on "democratic capitalism" or syndicalism, and following closely the development of Marxist revisionism.[11] In a February 1906 obituary for the "legal socialist" Anton Menger, Eugen Ehrlich commented that the term "socialism" had virtually lost its mystique.[12]
In January 1913, Süddeutsche Monatshefte made official its doctrinal links with anti-democratic conservatism: Robert von Pöhlmann published an article condemning majoritarianism, demanding instead the remodeling of Germany into a Kulturstaat ("civilization-state"), with a politically enshrined social stratification. Naumann resigned in protest against veiled accusations him in Pöhlmann's article, but also because the magazine had discarded liberal democracy.[21]
Süddeutsche Monatshefte saluted the July 1914 Crisis and the outbreak of World War I: in the September issue, Karl Mayr wrote that the war signified "internal transformation".[22] The magazine's nationalism became extreme over the following months, with Cossmann arguing in favor of Siegfriede ("victory peace")[23] and Müller celebrating Prussia as a "heroic-aristocratic warrior state";[24] similarly, Hermann Oncken and Friedrich Meinecke wrote praises of militarism and Prussian virtues.[25]Süddeutsche Monatshefte promoted an increasingly radical right-wing platform, supporting militarists Alfred von Tirpitz and Erich Ludendorff while excoriating more moderate military and political elements.[1] In 1916, Cossmann and his magazine defended Tirpitz's submarine war policy, submitting evidence that Tirpitz critic Veit Valentin had falsified military reports.[26] These were times of notoriety for the magazine: prior to the war, Süddeutsche Monatshefte circulation stood at a few hundred copies,[27] rising to 3000-5000 ca. 1914, and increasing sharply after that, reaching 100,000 at times.[1]
October 1918 issue of the Süddeutsche Monatshefte "war book"
The journal hosted topical literature on war politics and alarming reports from the field, including Spahn's coverage of civilian defeatism in Alsace-Lorraine.[28] In 1915, Eduard Meyer, Georg Kerschensteiner, and Ludwig Curtius published here their thoughts on the political and historical revelations of war, introducing theses about nationalist rivalry as the source of progress and European civilization.[29] Aiming to strengthen German propaganda in neutral Spain, the magazine hosted exposes depicting Iberian Federalism as a product of French intrigues, and homages to the conservative Mauristas.[30]
Taking much interest in the "Jewish Question" in German-occupied Poland, Süddeutsche Monatshefte exaggerated the magnitude of conflicts between Jews and Poles.[31] A special issue of February 1916 was dedicated to Ashkenazi Jews. It included a piece by Eugen Fuchs [de] of the Jewish Centralverein, who urged for assimilation, the "unwavering cultivation of German sentiments".[32] Also featured were articles by ZionistsMax Bodenheimer and Franz Oppenheimer, who purported that "Eastern Jews" were natural allies of German nationalism. More radical Jewish intellectuals, primarily Kurt Blumenfeld and Moses Calvary [de], reacted against this juxtaposition, accusing Bodenheimer of having given up on Zionist ideals.[33] Cossmann was also irritated by the "uncritical" views of Bodenheimer and his followers, which, he argued, were essentially "platitudes".[34]
The editorship viewed the November 1918 Revolution and consequent fall of the monarchy as a disaster; its nationalist agitation was strengthened in the wake of the Munich Soviet Republic and the establishment of the Weimar Republic.[1] In that context, its antisemitism also became more radical, integrating notions about "Jewish Bolshevism", and dropping ethical distinctions between assimilated and non-assimilated Jews,[35] although Cossmann remained rather critical of such analogies.[36] In February 1919, it became the first mainstream publication to host an article by Müller's brother-in-law Gottfried Feder. The self-taught economist and German Workers' Party ideologue explained his fight against "interest slavery", soon after developed into an explicitly antisemitic program.[37] At around the same time, the Süddeutsche Monatshefte press put out a brochure by Elias Hurwicz [de], a Jewish Russian refugee in Berlin. Its pessimistic prognosis was that world revolution had become an unstoppable "torrent".[38]
Versailles and "stab-in-the-back" claim
Circulation remained high in 1918–1920, before steadily declining over the subsequent decade.[1] Cossmann found backing from powerful industrialists, aristocrats, and Bavarian People's Party (BVP) figures, who also sponsored him and his secretary Franz von Gebsattel to buy and publish the daily Münchner Neuste Nachrichten, overbidding their Jewish competitors.[39] This circle included Tirpitz, Prince Eugen zu Oettingen-Wallerstein [de] of the secretive Gäa-Club, Gustav von Kahr, Albert Vögler, and corporate backers from the Gute Hoffnungshütte.[40] Although Kahr's ally, Cossmann did not support its regionalist platform, and was only interesting to Bavarian nationalists as an enemy of the Social Democratic Party (SPD).[41] He was sympathetic toward Karl Jarres of the mainstream German People's Party, trying to obtain him votes from the BVP.[42] In December 1922, however, he and other Süddeutsche Monatshefte men were involved in Tirpitz's conspiratorial project against Weimar, which discussed the creation of a German dictatorship under Kahr.[43]
Süddeutsche Monatshefte also became notorious by advocating for the stab-in-the-back myth, according to which Germany had not been truly defeated in 1918, but betrayed from within. The accusation, backed by the Spenglerian philosophical stance (defeat was a failure of national will),[51] was notably taken up by Cossmann—with a focus on the wartime Social Democrats. The Münchener Post responded by criticizing Cossmann, and Cossmann sued the Post editor, Martin Gruber, for libel; it became a celebrity trial.[52] Cossmann won when Judge Hans Frank, himself a radical nationalist, ruled that he had acted in the public interest by publishing wartime letters attributed to SPD pacifist Felix Fechenbach.[53]Süddeutsche Monatshefte helped instigate the political trial against Fechenbach.[54]
Late 1920s polemics
In its final decade, Süddeutsche Monatshefte became "mainstream",[55] a "serious journal of the conservative bourgeoisie", hosting contributions by right-wing assimilated Jews such as Leo Baeck, alongside antisemitic Germans like Theodor Fritsch, Ernst Jünger, and Count Reventlow.[56] Like the BVP, it was ambiguous toward the nascent Nazi movement in the wake of the Nazis' Beer Hall Putsch. Spengler, who felt that Nazi adventurism had ruined his own budding project for an industrialist timocracy, broke with the Cossmann club, denouncing its failure to preclude the Putsch.[57]
By 1927, the magazine again had a focus on eugenics, as well as racial hygiene and natalism. Hosting a topical essay by Spengler, it had contributions by eugenicists Otmar Freiherr von Verschuer, Alfred Ploetz, and Fritz Lenz.[58] Issuing predictions about the "fate of our race", Lenz discussed the Nordic race in relation to the German people, while statistician Richard Korherr contributed Geburtenrückgank ("Birth Rate"), a much-read study of the West's population decline.[59] These works were complimented in 1929 by a Friedrich Burgdörfer [de] essay on biopolitics and the alleged Slavic population pressure on Germany's eastern frontier, suggesting counteraction through German recolonization.[55] In other ways the magazine contradicted Völkisch tenets. Sexologist Max von Gruber wrote that most of the "greatest men of our race" were not purely Nordic, but "hybrids", and that productive miscegenation was in the national character.[60]Franz Spina's 1928 piece on the Sudeten Germans expressed support for a rapprochement between Germany and the Czechoslovak Republic.[61] Also, as noted by historian Bernd Weisbrod, Süddeutsche Monatshefte's racial antisemitism was of the moderate variety embraced by the National Populists. This was notably illustrated by its hosting, in September 1930, of an article by Jünger, in which the novelist suggested that self-segregation was "the most efficient weapon" against Jews.[56]
Returning to its critique of cultural imports at the height of the international Jazz Age, the magazine was focusing its attacks on modern American culture, and especially its African component.[62] Korherr and Wilhelm von Schramm [de] took up Spenglerian themes about the "inconsiderate", "nihilistic", "Americanized" architecture of modern Berlin.[63] Jünger's articles, however, showed leniency toward modernization and a more critical stance against Völkisch tropes: he conceived of the "German national revolution" as an urban uprising, and decried peasant conservatism as outdated, "doomed to failure".[64]Süddeutsche Monatshefte writers were also undecided about the import of physical education and the Weimar youth's emphasis on recreational sport: Ulrich von Wilamowitz deplored these developments, while Wilhelm Wien saw in them signs of recovery from "the postwar chaos".[65]
The popularity of German occultism and alternative medicine was examined by Cossmann's journal, over several issues. Astrologers such as Oscar A. H. Schmitz were allowed to introduce their work to the magazine's middle-class readership, although their essays generally refrained from making astrological inferences.[66] With articles by Sven Hedin and others, the magazine expressed skepticism against the fantastic travel accounts of F. Ossendowski, and against modern mysticism in general.[67]
Nazi ascendancy to power
Shortly after the onset of the Great Depression, Süddeutsche Monatshefte resumed campaigning for "the revival of war generation" and the fulfillment of its "historical destiny"—themes central to the essays of Edgar Julius Jung, which saw print in Cossmann's magazine.[68] In the late 1920s, Jung was outlining here his vision of neo-feudalism and grassroots democracy, as conservative resources against centralizing SPD governments.[69] With monarchism on the decline, the journal still gave exposure to Wilhelm II's apologists, hosting Adalbert Wahl [de]'s 1929 study "The Monarchy in German History".[70]
Some of the journal's contributors looked into new forms of authoritarianism. Jünger's 1930 text lambasted liberalism and Italian Fascism, noting that the latter only existed as a "simplified and shortened" version of the former. He envisaged a "stricter solution" to Germany's political and economic woes.[71] The economic crisis brought in opportunities for corporatist and social credit schemes, which were taken up by Ludwig Reiners [de], who proposed creating a national labor conscription service on such grounds. After a republican Voluntary Labor Service came into force in 1932, an article by Werner Beumelburg [de] celebrated its role in national pedagogy and social advancement.[72]
The journal's conservative position was at odds with Nazism, just as the latter was growing in popularity and numerical strength. Reventlow, who had since adhered to the Nazi Party, still frequented the Süddeutsche Monatshefte, where, in September 1930, he published a Nazi manifesto that called not just for "complete separation" from the Jews, but also for their "annihilation".[73] Cossmann himself rejected Nazi racial theory but, as sociologist Werner Jacob Cahnman has noted, his earlier work in propaganda had unwittingly given the Nazis "a rousing slogan and terrific impetus". According to Cahnman, Cossmann "just did not wish to see the writing on the wall".[23]
In early 1933, Cossmann and his collaborator Erwein von Aretin [de], who had openly criticized Adolf Hitler in 1923, called for a monarchist coup against the nascent Nazi regime that would see Crown Prince Rupprecht placed on the throne. Setting out its platform, the magazine's January cover bore the title "King Rupprecht". The pair were arrested and imprisoned.[1] Cossmann, described by scholar Steven E. Aschheim as "a tragic victim of the breakdown of the German–Jewish symbiosis",[74] was sent to the ghetto of Berg am Laim in 1941, and died at Theresienstadt concentration camp in 1942.[36]
The magazine continued to run to 1936 under Nazi publisher Leo Hausleiter [de], but became both insignificant and apolitical during this last phase.[1] A late controversy came in October 1933, when Paul Wentzcke commemorated in his articles 1920s Rhenish separatism, depicting it as a popular self-help movement against Weimar incompetence.[75] Some of the final issues had encomiums of Nazi architecture, penned by art reviewers such as Hubert Schrade [de] (who celebrated the Nuremberg Rally as a "sacred space").[76] Having already hosted comments by Erwin Liek [de] on holistic health in November 1932,[77] other such issues had contributions by Nazified Neo-Adlerian therapists: Fritz Künkel, who favored reintegrating patients within the "greater community"; and Harald Schultz-Hencke, who talked about a "rediscovery of the soul" by psychiatric science.[78]Süddeutsche Monatshefte also published, in February 1936, the first version of Carl Jung's introductory essay, "Psychological Typology".[79]
^Adam R. Seipp, The Ordeal of Peace: Demobilization and the Urban Experience in Britain and Germany, 1917–1921, p. 39. Farnham: Ashgate Publishing, 2009. ISBN978-0-7546-6749-0
^Thilo Ram, "Juristensozialismus in Deutschland", in Quaderni Fiorentini per la Storia del Pensiero Giuridico Moderno, Vols. 3–4 ("Il 'Socialismo giuridico': ipotesi e letture. I"), 1974–1975, p. 15
^Christian Wiese, "'The Best Antidote to Anti-Semitism'? Wissenschaft des Judentums, Protestant Biblical Scholarship, and Anti-Semitism in Germany before 1933", in Andreas Gotzmann, Christian Wiese (eds.), Modern Judaism and Historical Consciousness: Identities, Encounters, Perspectives, pp. 153–154. Leiden: Brill Publishers, 2007. ISBN978-90-04-15289-2
^Caterina Zanfi, Bergson e la filosofia tedesca, 1907–1932, p. 151. Macerata: Quodlibet, 2013. ISBN978-88-7462-549-9
^Martin Kusch, Psychologism. A Case Study in the Sociology of Philosophical Knowledge, p. 195. London: Routledge, 1995. ISBN0-415-12555-3
^Thomas W. Gaehtgens, "Les rapports de l'histoire de l'art et de l'art contemporain en Allemagne à l'époque de Wölfflin et de Meier-Graefe", Revue de l'Art, Vol. 88, 1990, pp. 35, 38
^"Revue des revues. Süddeutsche Monatshefte", La Chronique des Arts et de la Curiosité. Supplément à la Gazette des Beaux-Arts, No. 23/1911, p. 182
^John C. G. Röhl, "Hof und Hofgesellschaft unter Kaiser Wilhelm II.", in Pariser Historische Studien, Vol. 21, 1985, p. 257
^Christoph Cornelißen, "Politische Historiker und deutsche Kultur. Die Schriften und Reden von Georg v. Below, Hermann Oncken und Gerhard Ritter im Ersten Weltkrieg", in Wolfgang Mommsen, Elisabeth Müller-Luckner (eds.), Kultur und Krieg: Die Rolle der Intellektuellen, Künstler und Schriftsteller im Ersten Weltkrieg (Schriften des Historischen Kollegs. Herausgegeben von der Stiftung Historisches Kolleg. Kolloquien 34), pp. 119, 136. Munich: R. Oldenbourg Verlag, 1996. ISBN3-486-56085-9
^Jürgen von Ungern-Sternberg, "Wie gibt man dem Sinnlosen einen Sinn? Zum Gebrauch der Begriffe 'deutsche Kultur' und 'Militarismus' im Herbst 1914", in Wolfgang Mommsen, Elisabeth Müller-Luckner (eds.), Kultur und Krieg: Die Rolle der Intellektuellen, Künstler und Schriftsteller im Ersten Weltkrieg (Schriften des Historischen Kollegs. Herausgegeben von der Stiftung Historisches Kolleg. Kolloquien 34), pp. 77–78, 83–85. Munich: R. Oldenbourg Verlag, 1996. ISBN3-486-56085-9
^Étienne Martin Saint-Léon, "Mélanges et notices. La légende de Ferrer. Une calomnie allemande réfutée", La Réforme Sociale, Vol. 76, July–December 1918, pp. 138–140
^"Affaires intérieures", Bulletin Périodique de la Presse Polonaise, No. 8/1916, p. 2
^Christel Goldbach, Distanzierte Beobachtung: Theodor Wolff und das Judentum (Oldenburgische Beiträge zu Jüdischen Studien Band 11), p. 38. Oldenburg: University of Oldenburg, 2002. ISBN3-8142-0795-5
^Ralf Georg Reuth, "Woher kam Hitlers Judenhass?", in Tobias Daniel Wabbel (ed.), Das Heilige Nichts. – Gott nach dem Holocaust, pp. 116, 268. Düsseldorf: Patmos Verlag, 2007. ISBN978-3-491-72510-2
^Cahnman, pp. 107–109. See also Struve, pp. 240–241
^Dina Gusejnova, "Noble Continent? German-speaking Nobles as Theorists of European Identity in the Interwar Period", in Mark Hewitson, Matthew D'Auria (eds.), Europe in Crisis: Intellectuals and the European Idea, 1917–1957, pp. 121, 130. New York: Berghahn Books, 2012. ISBN978-0-85745-727-1
^Stephan Malinowski, "From King to Führer: The German Aristocracy and the Nazi Movement", in GHIL Bulletin, Vol. 27, Issue 1, 2005, p. 15
^Liliane Crips, "Du féminisme comme décadence. Le discours sur les femmes des droites conservatrices et révolutionnaires sous la République de Weimar et le IIIe Reich", L'Homme et la Société, Vol. 99, 1991, p. 93
^Andrea D'Onofrio, Razza, sangue e suolo. Utopie della razza e progetti eugenetici nel ruralismo nazista, pp. 12, 122. Naples: ClioPress, 2007. ISBN978-88-88904-08-5
^Johann Wolfgang Brügel, Czechoslovakia before Munich. The German Minority Problem and British Appeasement Policy, p. 30. London: Cambridge University Press, 1973. ISBN0-521-08687-6
^Michael H. Kater, "The Impact of American Popular Culture on German Youth", in Jonathan Huener, Francis R. Nicosia (eds.), The Arts in Nazi Germany: Continuity, Conformity, Change, pp. 35–36. New York: Berghahn Books, 2006. ISBN978-1-84545-209-4
^Christian Sieg, "Heimat Berlin. Siegfried Kracauer und Alfred Döblin als urbane Ethnografen der klassischen Moderne", in Friederike Eigler, Jens Kugele (eds.), Heimat. At the Intersection of Memory and Space, pp. 94–95. Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 2012. ISBN978-3-11-029187-2
^Elliot Y. Neaman, A Dubious Past: Ernst Jünger and the Politics of Literature after Nazism, p. 44. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1999. 0-520-21628-8
^Wim Coudenys, "Bêtes, hommes et dieux: les chimères de F. Ossendowski pendant la révolution", in Eddy Stols, Werner Thomas, Johan Verberckmoes (eds.), Naturalia, mirabilia & monstrosa en los Imperios Ibéricos: siglos XV-XIX, pp. 323–327. Leuven: Leuven University Press, 2006. ISBN978-90-5867-556-9
^Maurizio Bach, Stefan Breuer, Faschismus als Bewegung und Regime: Italien und Deutschland im Vergleich, p. 192. Wiesbaden: VS Verlag, 2010. ISBN978-3-531-17369-6
^Wolfgang Benz, "Vom freiwilligen Arbeitsdienst zur Arbeitsdienstpflicht", in Vierteljahrshefte für Zeitgeschichte, Vol. 16, Issue 4, 1968, pp. 320, 332
^S. A. Schuker, "Bayern und der rheinische Separatismus", in Jahrbuch des Historischen Kollegs 1997, 1998, pp. 105–106
^Steffen Krämer, "Achsen für den Aufmarsch. Zur politischen Inszenierung des urbanen Raumes im Dritten Reich", in Schriftenreihe der Winckelmann Akademie für Kunstgeschichte München Textbeitrag Nr. 18, February 2014, pp. 8, 16
Philippe Alexandre, "La société allemande et les défis de la modernité. Points de vue libéraux dans les Süddeutsche Monatshefte (1904–1914)", in Michel Grunewald, Uwe Puschner (eds.), Krisenwahrnehmungen in Deutschland um 1900. – Zeitschriften als Foren der Umbruchszeit im Wilhelminischen Reich/Perceptions de la crise en Allemagne au début du XXe siècle. – Les périodiques et la mutation de la société allemande à l'époque wilhelmienne, pp. 195–213. Bern: Peter Lang, 2010. ISBN978-3-03911-743-7
Steven E. Aschheim, Brothers and Strangers: The East European Jew in German and German Jewish Consciousness, 1800–1923. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1982.ISBN0-299-09114-7
Werner J. Cahnman, German Jewry: Its History and Sociology. New Brunswick: Transaction Publishers, 1989. ISBN0-88738-253-3
David Thomas Murphy, The Heroic Earth. Geopolitical Thought in Weimar Germany, 1918–1933. Kent: Kent State University Press, 1997.ISBN0-87338-564-0
Raffael Scheck, Alfred Von Tirpitz and German Right-wing Politics: 1914—1930. Atlantic Highlands: Humanities Press International, 1998. ISBN0-391-04043-X
Walter Struve, Elites Against Democracy: Leadership Ideals in Bourgeois Political Thought in Germany, 1890–1933. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1973.ISBN0-691-07555-7
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Pour les articles homonymes, voir Étoile (homonymie). Modèle utilisé en France.L’étoile jaune (allemand : Judenstern « étoile des Juifs », hébreu : הטלאי הצהוב hatlaï hatsahov « le chiffon jaune ») est un dispositif de discrimination et de marquage imposé par l’Allemagne nazie aux Juifs résidant dans les zones conquises au cours de la Seconde Guerre mondiale, avec peu d’exemptions.Modèle utilisé en Belgique.Pièce de tissu en forme d…
Las Vegas Motor SpeedwayBerkas:Las Vegas Motor Speedway.pngLokasiLas Vegas, NevadaZona waktuUTC-8 (UTC-7 DST)Kapasitas80,000PemilikSpeedway Motorsports (1999–sekarang)AlamatLas Vegas Motor Speedway7000 N. Las Vegas Blvd.Las Vegas, Nevada 89115DibukaFebruari 1972; 52 tahun lalu (1972-02) drag strip dan jalur jalan1985; 39 tahun lalu (1985) oval 3/8 milJuni 1996; 27 tahun lalu (1996-06) oval 1.5 milAcara besarSaat ini:NASCAR Cup SeriesPennzoil 400 (1998–sekarang)South Point 400 …
1976 British comedy film directed by Michael Tuchner The Likely LadsUK theatrical release posterDirected byMichael TuchnerWritten byDick ClementIan La FrenaisProduced byAida YoungStarringRodney BewesJames BolamBrigit ForsythCinematographyTony ImiEdited byRalph SheldonMusic byMike HuggProductioncompanyAnglo-EMIDistributed byAnglo-EMIRelease date 8 April 1976 (1976-04-08)[1] Running time90 minutesCountryUnited KingdomLanguageEnglish The Likely Lads is a 1976 British comedy f…
Olycksplatsen med borrutrustning. Gruvolyckan i Copiapó 2010 inträffade den 5 augusti 2010 då gruvgångar rasade i koppar- och guldgruvan San José Mines nära Copiapó i regionen Atacama i norra Chile. 33 arbetare blev då instängda, cirka sju kilometer in i gruvgångarna och cirka 700 meter under markytan. Gruvan ligger mitt ute i Atacamaöknen, och en tillfällig bosättning upprättades på platsen för räddningsarbetare och för de drabbades familjer. Räddningsarbetet innebar bland an…
KehormatanGenre Drama Roman Komedi PembuatMultivision PlusPemeran Primus Yustisio Nafa Urbach Tia Ivanka Reynold Surbakti Febby Febiola Pangky Suwito Ayu Diah Pasha Cut Yanthi Vicky Burky Ine Dewi Arief Rivan David Chalik Happy Salma Geofanny Tambunan Baby Gracia Doly Sihombing Teuku Sadiq Atiq Rachman Lagu pembukaKu Lakukan Semua Untukmu oleh Fatur & NadilaLagu penutupTak 'Kan oleh DeffianiePenata musik Iwang Modulus [a] Joseph S. Djafar [b] Negara asalIndonesiaBahasa …
В Википедии есть статьи о других людях с такой фамилией, см. Панов; Панов, Валерий. Валерий Викторович Панов Депутат Государственной думы Федерального Собрания Российской Федерации V созыва Рождение 1 марта 1961(1961-03-01) (63 года)Челябинск, РСФСР, СССР Партия 1) КПСС 2) Единая Росси…
Genetic variation in viruses of mutations in virus genes that code virus proteins Not to be confused with Antigenic shift or Genetic drift. Antigenic drift is a kind of genetic variation in viruses, arising from the accumulation of mutations in the virus genes that code for virus-surface proteins that host antibodies recognize. This results in a new strain of virus particles that is not effectively inhibited by the antibodies that prevented infection by previous strains. This makes it easier for…
