Maricopa
Piipaash chuukwer / Xalychidoma chuukwer
Native to	United States
Region	Maricopa County, Arizona
Ethnicity	800 Maricopa and Halchidhoma (2007)[1]
Native speakers	35 (2015 census)[2]
Language family	Yuman Core Yuman River Yuman Maricopa
Language codes
ISO 639-3	mrc
Glottolog	mari1440
ELP	Maricopa
Maricopa is classified as Severely Endangered by the UNESCO Atlas of the World's Languages in Danger

Maricopa or Piipaash is spoken by the Native American Maricopa people on two reservations in Arizona: the Salt River Pima-Maricopa Indian Community and the Gila River Indian Community. Most speakers live in Maricopa Colony. The language is considered severely endangered by UNESCO.^[3]

Although the Maricopa now live among the Pima,^[4] their language is completely unrelated. It is a Yuman language, related to other languages such as Mohave, Cocopah, Havasupai, Yavapai and Kumeyaay, while the Pima speak a Uto-Aztecan language.

According to the Ethnologue, language shift is occurring at Maricopa Colony: "The child-bearing generation can use the language among themselves, but it is not being transmitted to children." At Salt River, it is nearly extinct: "The only remaining users of the language are members of the grandparent generation or older who have little opportunity to use the language.^[5]

There are about 100 speakers out of an ethnic population of 800. Salt River's cultural resources department estimates that there are around 15 fluent native speakers remaining in the Salt River community.^[6] There are many more with varying degrees of fluency, including many who can understand but not speak Maricopa.

The modern Maricopa people are actually an amalgamation of five separate but related groups, with different dialects. There are now two dialects of Maricopa: Piipaash and Xalychidom. Most Piipaash reside at Maricopa Colony on the Gila River Indian Community, and most Xalychidom reside at Salt River. However, all remaining dialect differences are fairly minor.^[4] Xalychidom is the dialect spoken by the formerly distinct Xalychidom people.

There is a language revitalization program at Salt River, the O'odham Piipaash Language Program, offering immersion classes, language-based cultural arts classes, community language-based social activities, and assistance with translation, cultural information and language learning.^[7]

Phonology

All claims and examples in this section come from Gordon (1986) unless otherwise noted.

Consonants

		Labial	Alveolar		Retroflex	Palatal	Velar			Uvular		Glottal
			plain	pal.			plain	lab.	pal.	plain	lab.
Stop		p	t		ʈ		k	kʷ	kʲ	q	qʷ	ʔ
Affricate						t͡ʃ
Fricative	voiceless	(f)	s		ʂ		x	xʷ
	voiced	v	ð
Nasal		m	n			ɲ	(ŋ)
Approximant			l	lʲ		j		w
Trill			r

Phonemes /f/ and /ŋ/ occur only in loanwords like kafe /kafe/ 'coffee' and narangk /naraŋk/ 'orange',^{[bad example, as that could be assimilation with the ŋ]} both from Spanish. [ŋ] also occurs as an allophone of /ɲ/.

Vowels

Maricopa has 10 phonemic vowels made up of 5 pairs of corresponding long and short vowels with the cross-linguistically common five-way quality contrast:

	Front	Central	Back
High	i iː		u uː
Mid	e eː		o oː
Low		a aː

There are falling diphthongs that glide from one vowel sound into another.^[7] Diphthongs can also be long or short: /ej/ and /eːj/ are both found.

Diphthongs are

/aj aːj ej eːj oj oːj uj uːj aw aːw ew eːw/,

as in kwidui /kwiduj/ and mahai /maxaj/.

Stress and intonation

Stress within a word falls on the final root vowel (they are capitalized):

/XOT-k/ → [ˈxotɪk]

/m-XOT-k/ → [məˈxotɪk]

/XʷET-xot-m/ → [ˈxʷetxotɪm]

Declarative sentences have a falling intonation toward the end of the sentence.

Interrogative sentences have a rising intonation toward the end of the sentence.

Epenthesis

Epenthesis of vowels to relieve consonant clusters is a major and complicated issue in Maricopa. It is not completely understood, but some general statement can be made.

Epenthetic vowels can have the quality of any other vowel as well as some reduced vowel qualities. However, the form is basically predictable from the local context:

• [ɪ]/[i] occur after palatal or alveolar consonants
• XX^{[clarification needed]} before /ʔ/ the epenthetic^{[clarification needed]}
• [ɪ]/[ə] occur elsewhere

Sequences of three non-syllabic consonants never surface without epenthesis. Sequences of two consonants sometimes cause epenthesis, depending on the consonants in question.

Nasals and liquids are least likely to accompany epenthesis, as they often syllabify instead, particularly in the following circumstances:

• An initial nasal before a homorganic stop optionally becomes syllabic.
• An initial liquid before a clitic boundary optionally becomes syllabic.
• In /nn/ sequences, the first n syllabifies. (However, in /mm/ sequences, epenthesis occurs instead, yielding [məm].)

In most other initial two-consonant cluster, epenthesis occurs:

/mxan-k/ → [məxanɪk]

/ʔ-mxan-k/ → [ʔəmxanɪk]

Some final clusters are allowed, but others are broken up. The distinction seems to rest partially on the number of syllables in the word as well as the particular sequence of consonants:

/wiʂ-k/ → [wiʂk]

/uːwiʂ-k/ → [uːwiʂɪk]

Assimilation and other phonological changes

Non-initial sequences of identical oral consonants, other than /ʂ/, geminate:

/mðiːlʲ-lʲa/ → [mðiːlʲːa]

/nak-k/ → [nakː]

The sequence /ʂʂ/ can surface as [tʂ]. Thus, /ʔiːpaʂ-ʂ/ may surface as [ʔiːpatʂ] or [ʔiːpaʂɪʂ].

When /t͡ʃ/ follows any segment except /ʂ/ and precedes any unstressed segment, it deaffricates to /ʂ/: /t͡ʃmɲaː-k/ surfaces as [t͡ʃɪmɪɲaːk], but /m-t͡ʃmɲaː-k/ surfaces as [mɪʂɪmɪɲaːk].

For less conservative speakers, /t͡ʃ/ can surface as /ʂ/ before any unstressed segment other than /s/.

Unstressed high vowels can lower to the corresponding mid vowel.

[u] is inserted between a rounded consonant and a round or labial consonant. A rounded consonant can delabialize before any other consonant.

/ɲ/ assimilates to [ŋ] before a velar or post-velar consonant. After a morpheme boundary, [ŋ] is preceded by [ɪ].

Between a back vowel and any following vowel, [w] is inserted:

/juː-uːm/ → [juːwuːm]

/maː-uːm/ → [maːwuːm]

Between a front vowel and a background vowel, /j/ is inserted:

/siː-uːm/ → [siːjuːm]

/mɲe-uːm/ → [mɪɲejuːm]

Morphology

Case marking

Maricopa has a subject marker -sh but no marker for the direct object.

There are four other cases: comitative ("with, about"), adessive/allative ("at, towards"), inessive/illative ("in, on, into"), and general locative or directional ("to, from").

-m: comitative ("with"), instrumental ("with, by means of").

-ii: locative with adessive ("at") and allative ("to, toward") meanings.

-ly: locative with inessive ("in, on") and illative ("into, to") meanings.

-k: general locative and directional ("to, from").

Case markers can be clitics in verbs as if they were applicative markers.

Negative

Verbs are negated by adding the circumfix (w)aly-...-ma.

In copulative sentences (those with the verb "to be"), the negative element is placed on the predicate noun.

The first element of the negative circumfix is sometimes omitted, such as a sentence with nominalization.

There are constructions with a variable placement of the negative morpheme. In reflexives, the reflexive morpheme mat- can precede or follow the first part of the negative circumfix.

Maricopa has no unique word for "never." The language uses the verb aly-'aa-ma-k 'NEGATIVE-hear-NEGATIVE-REAL' and the event that did not occur as a subordinate clause.

There is a special verb kuvar, meaning "to be none," to express the meaning of "there isn't."

Negative adverbs vary in scope depending on their position relative to the negative circumfix. For example, the adverb -haay 'still, yet' is outside of the scope of the negation if the order of the morphemes is ma-haay. On the other hand, 'still' is inside of the scope of the negation if the order of the morphemes is haay-ma.^[18]

Interrogative words

The following is a summary of interrogative words:

	mki 'who'	mki 'where'	mkip 'which'	kawish 'what'
Subject	mkish		mkipsh	kawitsh
Object	mkiny		mkip	kawish
Commitative and instrumental (with) -m	mkinym		mkipm	kawishm
Adessive and allative (at, to, towards) -ii		mkii	mkipii
Inessive and illative (in, into) -ly		mkily	mkiply
General locative (to) -k	mkinyk	mkik	mkipk

Syntax

Gender

Maricopa does not make a grammatical gender distinction.

No word for "and"

David Gil reports that the Maricopa managed quite well despite having no equivalent for "and". The various relevant relations are solved by using different linguistic structures. However, whether the absence of a lexeme constitutes a lexical gap depends on not a theory but the shared verbal habits of the people using the relevant conceptualization.

Accordingly, it is not valid to say that speakers of Maricopa lack the lexeme "and". Rather, it is speakers of, for example, English who would experience the lack.^[22]

Word order

The basic word order for transitive sentences is subject–object–verb. Intransitive sentences are subject-verb. Ditransitive sentences are subject-dative-object-verb.

Possessive words precede nouns. There are inalienable nouns such as clothing items, which must bear possessive markers.

Determiners are expressed as suffixes or independent words following the noun.

No independent adjective category

The language has no independent adjective category: "Intransitive verbs in their unmarked forms (with no nominalizing morphemes) can be used as attributive adjectives with an NP."^[26] Furthermore, it appears that there is no difference between the attributive and the predicative form of adjectival forms.

Yes/no questions

Questions are marked by "rising intonation and by the structure of the verb"^[28] For most verbs, the question suffix is -m or a zero morpheme.

If a zero morpheme is used to mark the question and the root of the verb is consonant-final, an epenthetic -ii is added.

To form a question in the second person ("you"), some verbs can have a -k or -m for questions.

Notes

References

• Gil, David (1991). "Aristotle goes to Arizona, and finds a language without 'and'". In Zaefferer, D (ed.). Semantic universals and universal semantics. Berlin: Foris. pp. 96–130.
• Gordon, Lynn (1986). Maricopa Morphology and Syntax. Berkeley: University of California Press. ISBN 0520099656.

See also

• Halchidhoma language

External links

• Maricopa language overview at the Survey of California and Other Indian Languages