This article is about the briefly prestigious American accent incorporating British features. For the native dialect of the Mid-Atlantic region of the United States, see Philadelphia English. For the accent of the Northeastern American elite, see Northeastern elite accent.
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A Mid-Atlantic accent,[1][2][3] or Transatlantic accent,[4][5][6] is a consciously learned accent of English promoted in some American courses on acting, voice, and elocution, largely in the Northeastern United States, from the early to mid-20th century. As a result, this speaking style became associated with certain announcers and Hollywood actors,[7][6][8][2] mostly in recorded media from the 1920s to 1950s.[3][5] It is particularly influenced by and overlaps with Northeastern elite accents from that era and earlier, plus it borrowed further features from Received Pronunciation (RP), the most prestigious accent of British English.[6][3][1] Since the mid-20th century onwards, these accents have been regarded as affected and are now rare.
During the early 20th century, this class of accents was designed and advocated by linguistic prescriptivists ranging from Northeastern classroom teachers to vocal coaches to drama instructors, who felt that it was the best or most proper way to speak English.[9][1][10] According to voice and drama professor Dudley Knight, "its earliest advocates bragged that its chief quality was that no Americans actually spoke it unless educated to do so".[10] During the brief period when Mid-Atlantic accents acquired cachet within the American entertainment industry, certain stage and film actors performed them in classical works or when undertaking serious, formal, or upper-class roles,[11] while others adopted them more permanently in their public lives. No consistent label exists for this type of speech, particularly in its own era when it was sometimes known by names like American Theatre Standard,[11][9]American stage speech,[12] or, by its promoters, World English and Good American Speech.[13]
More generally, "Mid-Atlantic accent" or "Transatlantic accent" may also refer to any accent, including more recent ones, with a perceived mixture of American and British characteristics.[14][15][16]
History
According to the vocal coach and drama professor Dudley Knight, in the 19th century through the early 20th century, formal public speaking in the United States primarily focused on song-like intonation, lengthily and tremulously uttered vowels (including overly articulated weak vowels), and a booming resonance.[17] He also asserts that, when the 20th century began, "American actors in classical plays all spoke with English accents",[18] due to the high prestige of English Received Pronunciation (RP), with features such as non-rhoticity, or R-dropping: in spoken English, the deleting of the phoneme /r/ everywhere except before vowel sounds. A study by linguist William Labov and others describes that non-rhoticity, "as a characteristic of British Received Pronunciation, was also taught as a model of correct, international English by schools of speech, acting, and elocution in the United States up to the end of World War II. It was the standard model for most radio announcers".[19] Linguist Geoff Lindsey argues that another major contribution to the RP elements in early Hollywood sound films is actual actors from around the British Commonwealth.[11]
Even before the early 20th century, ordinary Eastern New England accents as well as Northeastern elite accents spoken by groups like the New York elite and the Boston Brahmins, the New England upper class, already shared notable features with RP such as non-rhoticity and the trap–bath split. Boston was the American center for training in elocution, public speaking, and acting at this time;[20][11][6] therefore, these Northeastern-originated accents also likely contributed to the sound then becoming popular in the American theatre. In particular, the accents of the Northeastern elite already held established connotations of high education and refinement.
The theatrical popularity of a Mid-Atlantic sound was further indirectly fueled by the Australian phonetician William Tilly (né Tilley), teaching in Columbia University's extension program in New York City from 1918 to around the time of his death in 1935, whose goal was to popularize his standard of a "proper" American pronunciation for teaching in public schools and using in one's public life.[21] A proponent of precise phonetic transcription, Tilly was perhaps the most influential speech instructor in the U.S. in the first half of the 20th century.[22] He championed a version of the accent that, for the first time, was standardized with an extreme and conscious level of phonetic consistency. Calling his new standard "World English", he mostly attracted a following of English-language learners and New York City public-school teachers.[23]Linguistic prescriptivists, Tilly and his adherents emphatically promoted World English, and its slight variations taught in classes of theatre and oratory, helping to eventually define the Mid-Atlantic pronunciation of American classical actors for decades. Americans have the tendency to perceive World English as sounding British, which Tilly's students sometimes acknowledged and other times denied.[24] According to Dudley Knight:
World English was a speech pattern that very specifically did not derive from any regional dialect pattern in England or America, although it clearly bears some resemblance to the speech patterns that were spoken in a few areas of New England, and a very considerable resemblance ... to the pattern in England which was becoming defined in the 1920s as "RP" or "Received Pronunciation". World English, then, was a creation of speech teachers, and boldly labeled as a class-based accent: the speech of persons variously described as "educated," "cultivated," or "cultured"; the speech of persons who moved in rarefied social or intellectual circles; and the speech of those who might aspire to do so.[25]
While Tilly did not specifically work with actors himself, some of his prominent students ended up doing so. The proliferation of a Mid-Atlantic accent in theatrical training is credited to several of his disciples, among them Windsor Daggett, Margaret Prendergast McLean, and Edith Warman Skinner.[6][10] Daggett was a Northeastern American speech teacher and theatre critic who campaigned for this "Standard English" in the theatre in his weekly Billboardcolumn from 1921 to 1926, a decade when he dominated the New York City market for theatrical speech improvement.[26][27] He viewed the accent as neither regionally American nor an "affected ultra-British class dialect" but rather a cultured, intelligible, transnational accent of English that avoided all features that could identify its speaker's upbringing.[28] Margaret Prendergast McLean from Colorado became one of the most influential speech teachers for East Coast actors by the late 1920s, distinguished for her work at Boston's Leland Powers School and New York's American Laboratory Theatre.[29] She published her text on the accent, Good American Speech, in 1928 and later taught in Los Angeles, California.[30] Canadian-born Edith Skinner, brought to the Laboratory Theatre by McLean, rose to prominence by the 1930s,[10][12][6] best known for her own instructional text Speak with Distinction, published in 1942.[6][31] These speech instructors referred to this accent as Good (American) Speech, which Skinner also called Eastern (American) Standard and which she described as the appropriate American pronunciation for "classics and elevated texts".[32] She vigorously drilled her students in learning the accent at the Carnegie Institute of Technology (now, Carnegie Mellon) and, later, the Juilliard School.[10]
From the 1920s to 1950s, the Mid-Atlantic accent was a popular affectation onstage, in many New York City schools, and in forms of high culture in North America. American cinema began in the early 1900s in New York City and Philadelphia before becoming largely transplanted to Los Angeles beginning in the mid-1910s, with talkies beginning in the late 1920s. Hollywood studios encouraged actors to learn this accent into the 1940s.[2] Hollywood over time became less of a New York City-influenced enclave as it grew and attracted actors from everywhere,[11] plus the film industry moved away from studio control over its artists,[5] causing Mid-Atlantic speech to fall out of fashion by the mid-20th century. Since then, the majority class of rhotic accents, General American English, has dominated the American entertainment industry.
Cary Grant had an accent that is often popularly described as "Mid-Atlantic", though his specific accent more naturally and unconsciously mixed British and American features, because he arrived in the United States from England at age 16.[41][11]
In the 1952 movie Singin' in the Rain, the elocution coach who entreats another character to use "round tones" is attempting to teach her this kind of American stage speech.
Although it has disappeared as a standard of high society and high culture, the Transatlantic accent has still been heard in some media in the 21st century for the sake of historical, humorous, or other stylistic reasons.
Elizabeth Banks uses the Mid-Atlantic accent in playing the flamboyant, fussy, upper-class character Effie Trinket in the Hunger Games film series, which depicts enormous class divisions in a futuristic North America.[5]
Mark Hamill's vocal portrayal of Batman villain the Joker adopts a highly theatrical Mid-Atlantic accent throughout the character's many animation and video game appearances.[44]
Catherine O'Hara uses a unique, comedic accent as the character of Moira Rose in the Canadian sitcom Schitt's Creek, which the press has sometimes labeled "Mid-Atlantic".[46]
Phonology
Codified versions of the Mid-Atlantic accent for the American theatre were published by voice coaches like Margaret Prendergast McLean and Edith Skinner ("Good Speech" as she called it). These were once widely taught in Northeastern American acting schools of the early mid-20th century.[47]
Trap–bath split: The Mid-Atlantic accent commonly exhibits the TRAP-BATH split of RP. However, unlike in RP, the BATH vowel does not retract and merge with the back vowel of PALM. It is only lowered from the near-open vowel [æ] to the fully open vowel [a]. It was most consistently a feature of the New England upper class, the Boston Brahmins, but also promoted by theatrical teachers like McLean and Skinner.
No /æ/ tensing: While most dialects of American English have the TRAP vowel tensed before nasals, the vowel is not necessarily tensed in this environment in Mid-Atlantic accents. Skinner and other theatrical teachers intensely discouraged tensing.[31]
No father-bother merger: The "a" in father is unrounded, while the "o" in bother may be rounded, like RP. Therefore, the father-bother distinction exists.[9] The bother vowel is also used in words like "watch" and "quad".[50]
No cot–caught merger: The vowels in cot and caught (the LOT vowel and THOUGHT vowel, respectively) are distinguished, with the latter being pronounced higher and longer than the former, like RP.
Lot–cloth variability: Like contemporary RP, but unlike conservative RP and General American, Theatre Standard promoted that the words in the CLOTHlexical set use the LOT vowel rather than the THOUGHT vowel.[51][52][nb 1] The THOUGHT vowel is also used before /l/ in words such as "all", "salt", and "malt".
Lack of HAPPY tensing: Like conservative RP, the vowel /i/ at the end of words such as "happy" [ˈhæpɪ] (listenⓘ), "Charlie", "sherry", "coffee" is not tensed and is thus pronounced with the KIT vowel [ɪ], rather than the FLEECE vowel [iː].[31] This also extends to "i", "y", and sometimes "e", "ie", and "ee" in other positions in words. For example, the KIT vowel is used in "cities", "remark", "because", "serious", "variable".
No Canadian raising: Like RP, the diphthongs /aɪ/ and /aʊ/ do not undergo Canadian raising and are pronounced as [aɪ] and [ɑʊ], respectively, in all environments.
Back /oʊ/, /uː/, /aʊ/: The vowels /oʊ/, /uː/, /aʊ/ do not undergo advancing, being pronounced farther back as [oʊ], [uː] and [ɑʊ], respectively,[54] like in conservative and Northern varieties of American English; the latter two are also similar to conservative RP.
No weak vowel merger: The vowels in "Rosas" and "roses" are distinguished, with the former being pronounced as [ə] and the latter as either [ɪ] or [ɨ]. This is done in General American, as well,[55] but in the Mid-Atlantic accent, the same distinction means the retention of historic [ɪ] in weak preconsonantal positions (as in RP), so "rabbit" does not rhyme with "abbot".
Lack of mergers before /l/: Mergers before /l/, which are typical of several accents, both British and North American,[56][57][58] do not occur. For example, the vowels in "hull" and "bull" are kept distinct, the former as [ʌ] and the latter as [ʊ].
When preceded by a long vowel, the /r/ is vocalized to [ə], commonly known as schwa, while the long vowel itself is laxed. However, when preceded by a short vowel, the /ə/ is elided. Therefore, tense and lax vowels before /r/ are typically only distinguished by the presence/absence of /ə/. The following distinctions are examples of this concept:
Mirror–nearer distinction: Hence mirror is [mɪɹə], but nearer is [nɪəɹə].
Mary–merry distinction:[31] Hence merry is [mɛɹɪ], but Mary is [mɛəɹɪ]. Mary also has an opener variant of [ɛ] than merry.
"Marry" is pronounced with a different vowel altogether. See further in the bullet list below.
Other distinctions before /r/ include the following:
Cure–force–north distinction: The vowels in cure and force–north are distinguished, the former being realized as [ʊə] and the latter as [ɔə], like conservative RP.
Thought–force distinction: The vowels in thought and force–north are distinguished, the former being realized as [ɔː] and the latter as [ɔə]. Hence saw[sɔː], sauce[sɔːs] but sore/sour[sɔə], source[sɔəs].[61] This does not precisely agree with /ɔː/horse and /ɔə/ for hoarse in traditional Received Pronunciation.
Hurry–furry distinction: The vowels in hurry and furry are distinguished, with the former pronounced as /ʌ/ and the latter pronounced as /ɜː/. (listenⓘ)
Palm–start distinction: The vowels in palm and start are distinguished, the former being realized as [ɑː] and the latter as [ɑə]. Hence spa[spɑː], alms[ɑːmz] but spar[spɑə], arms[ɑəmz].[62] This keeps the distinction observed in rhotic accents like General American, but not made in RP. Also, some New Englanders, particularly in Eastern New England, could pronounce the vowel in start more fronted: [aː~aə]. However, in the mid-20th century and later, this came to be associated with non-elite Boston accents.
Distinction of /ɒr/ and /ɔːr/ in words like orange and oral
Wine-whine distinction: The Mid-Atlantic accent showed some vestigial resistance to the modern wine–whine merger. In other words, the consonants spelled w and wh could be pronounced slightly differently; words spelled with wh are pronounced as "hw" (/ʍ/). The distinction is a feature found in conservative RP and New England English, as well as in some Canadian and Southern United States accents, and sporadically across the Mid-West and the West. However, it is rarely heard in contemporary RP.[63]
Pronunciation of /t/: the alveolar stop /t/ can be pronounced as a glottal stop, [ʔ], only if it is followed by a consonant in either the same word or the following word. Thus grateful can be pronounced [ˈɡɹeɪʔfɫ̩]ⓘ. However, Skinner recommended avoiding the glottal stop altogether; she also recommended a "lightly aspirated" /t/ in place of the flapped /t/ typical of American speakers whenever /t/ appears between vowels.[64] Likewise, winter[ˈwɪntə] is not pronounced similarly or identically to winner[ˈwɪnə], as it is by some Americans.[nb 2] Generally, Skinner advocated for articulating /t/ with some degree of aspiration in most contexts.
Resistance to yod-dropping: Dropping of /j/ only occurs after /r/, and optionally after /s/ and /l/.[66][67] Mid-Atlantic also lacks palatalization, so duke is pronounced [djuːk] rather than [dʒuːk] (the first variant versus the second one hereⓘ).[68] All of this mirrors (conservative) RP.
A "dark L" sound, [ɫ], may be heard for /l/ in all contexts, more like General American than RP. However, Skinner explicitly discouraged darker articulations for actors.[69]
A tapped articulation of post-consonantal or inter-vocalic /r/ is heard in many of the very earliest recordings of formal performative or theatrical speakers born in the mid-19th century, likely a dramatic effect employed in public speaking then. However, it was rare in speakers born after that time, and Skinner disapproved of its usage.[70]
Other pronunciation patterns
Skinner approved of the -day suffix (e.g. Monday; yesterday) being pronounced as [deɪ] or as [dɪ] ("i" as in "did"), without any particular preference.[71]
Instead of the unrounded STRUT vowel, the rounded LOT vowel (listenⓘ) is used in everybody, nobody, somebody, and anybody; and when stressed, was, of, from, what. This is more like RP than General American. At times, the vowels in the latter words can be reduced to a schwa.[72] However, "because" uses the THOUGHT vowel.
Polysyllabic words ending in -ary, -ery, -ory, -mony, -ative, -bury, -berry: The first vowel in the endings -ary, -ery, -ory, -mony, -ative, -bury, and -berry are all pronounced as [ə], commonly known as a schwa. Thus inventory is pronounced [ˈɪnvɪntəɹɪ], rather than General American [ˈɪnvɨntɔɹi] or rapidly-spoken RP [ˈɪnvəntɹi].[73]
^A similar but unrelated feature occurred in RP. As one attempt of middle-class RP speakers to make themselves sound polished, words in the CLOTH set were shifted from the THOUGHT vowel back to the LOT vowel.[53] Also see U and non-U English for details.
^"The t after n is often silent in [regional] American pronunciation. Instead of saying internet [some] Americans will frequently say 'innernet.' This is fairly standard speech and is not considered overly casual or sloppy speech."[65]
Citations
^ abcBoberg, Charles (2021). "Accent in North American Film and Television". Cambridge University Press. p. 126.
^ abBoberg, Charles (2020). "Diva diction: Hollywood’s leading ladies and the rise of General American English". American Speech: A Quarterly of Linguistic Usage, 95(4), 441-484: "Kelly was from Philadelphia. Rogers, from Independence, Missouri, and Shearer, from Montreal, are about half R-less. Adoption of /r/ vocalization by these actresses from r-ful regions presumably reflects both formal dramatic training and the generally high prestige of this feature in the early twentieth century" (455); "Rogers, Kelly, and Shearer produce an [a:] quality in BATH words out of respect for the British or Boston standard" (465).
^ abcdeKnight, Dudley. "Standard Speech". In: Hampton, Marian E. & Barbara Acker (eds.) (1997). The Vocal Vision: Views on Voice.Hal Leonard Corporation. pp. 174–77.
^ abcdefg"Hollywood's "Fake" Mid-Atlantic Myth DEBUNKED!" YouTube, uploaded by Dr Geoff Lindsey, Video on YouTube.
^Knight, Dudley. "Standard Speech". In: Hampton, Marian E. & Barbara Acker (eds.) (1997). The Vocal Vision: Views on Voice.Hal Leonard Corporation. p. 159.
^Labov, William et al. (2006). "The restoration of post-vocalic /r/". The Atlas of North American English Phonetics, Phonology and Sound Change. Mouton de Gruter: "The basic vernacular of New York City was consistently r-less in the nineteenth century and the first half of the twentieth. r-less pronunciation, as a characteristic of British Received Pronunciation, was also taught as a model of correct, international English by schools of speech, acting, and elocution in the United States up to the end of World War II. It was the standard model for most radio announcers and used as a high prestige form by Franklin Roosevelt".
^Riedel, Michael (10 December 2010). "You don't know Jack (yet)". New York Post. Retrieved 17 May 2022. My dad was born in Queens but affected this mid-Atlantic accent. The old neighborhood accent only came out when he got mad at us.