In the late 1970s and early 1980s, Krauthammer embarked on a career as a columnist and political commentator. In 1985, he began writing a weekly column for The Washington Post, which earned him the 1987 Pulitzer Prize for Commentary for his "witty and insightful columns on national issues".[9] He was a weekly panelist on the PBS news program Inside Washington from 1990 until it ceased production in December 2013. Krauthammer had been a contributing editor to The Weekly Standard, a Fox News contributor, and a nightly panelist on Special Report with Bret Baier on Fox News.
Krauthammer received acclaim for his writing on foreign policy, among other matters. He was a leading conservative voice and proponent of United States military and political engagement on the global stage, coining the term Reagan Doctrine and advocating both the Gulf War and the Iraq War.
In August 2017, due to his battle with cancer, Krauthammer stopped writing his column and serving as a Fox News contributor. He died on June 21, 2018.[10]
Krauthammer attended McGill University in Montreal, graduating in 1970 with first-class honours in economics and political science.[19] At that time, McGill University was a hotbed of radical sentiment, something that Krauthammer said influenced his dislike of political extremism. "I became very acutely aware of the dangers, the hypocrisies, and sort of the extremism of the political extremes. And it cleansed me very early in my political evolution of any romanticism." He later said: "I detested the extreme Left and extreme Right, and found myself somewhere in the middle."[20] The following year, after graduating from McGill, he studied as a Commonwealth Scholar in politics at Balliol College, Oxford, before returning to the United States to attend medical school at Harvard.[citation needed]
A diving accident during his first year of medical school left Krauthammer paralyzed from the waist down.[6][7][21] He remained with his Harvard Medical School class during his hospitalization, graduating in 1975. He credited Hermann Lisco, associate dean of students, for making it happen.[22]
In 1979, Krauthammer joined The New Republic as both a writer and editor.[2][3] In 1983, he began writing essays for Time magazine, including one on the Reagan Doctrine, which first brought him national acclaim as a writer.[26] Krauthammer began writing regular editorials for The Washington Post in 1985 and became a nationally syndicated columnist. Krauthammer coined and developed the term Reagan Doctrine in 1985, and he defined the U.S. role as sole superpower in his essay "The Unipolar Moment", published shortly after the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989.[27]
In 1990, Krauthammer became a panelist for the weekly PBS political roundtable Inside Washington, remaining with the show until it ceased production in December 2013. Krauthammer also appeared on Fox News Channel as a contributor for many years.[citation needed]
His son Daniel is responsible for the final edits on a book that was posthumously released, The Point of It All: A Lifetime of Great Loves and Endeavors, that was published in December 2018.
Personal life
In 1974, Krauthammer married his wife, Robyn, a lawyer who stopped practicing law in order to focus on her work as an artist. They had one child, Daniel Krauthammer.[30] Charles Krauthammer's brother, Marcel, died in 2006.[17]
Krauthammer was Jewish, raised largely in the Orthodox tradition, but in his adult life he variously described himself as "not religious" and "a Jewish Shinto" who engaged in "ancestor worship". At the same time, while he considered himself a skeptic regarding religious fanaticism and those claiming to hold certainty of any particular theological dogma, he was also quite scornful of atheism, once being quoted as saying that of all the belief systems he was aware of, "the only one I know is NOT true is atheism." His beliefs were sometimes described as a version of the "ceremonial Deism" exhibited by some of the U.S. Founding Fathers, particularly Thomas Jefferson. He was also influenced by his study of Maimonides at McGill University with Rabbi David Hartman, the head of Jerusalem's Shalom Hartman Institute and professor of philosophy at McGill during Krauthammer's student days.[31]
Krauthammer was a member of both the Chess Journalists of America[32] and the Council on Foreign Relations.[33] He was co-founder of Pro Musica Hebraica, a not-for-profit organization devoted to presenting Jewish classical music, much of it lost or forgotten, in a concert hall setting.[34]
Krauthammer was a big baseball fan.[35][4] He enjoyed chess to a point that he gave it up later in life, fearing he was addicted.[4]
In the final presidential election of his life, that of 2016, he openly refused to support either candidate and declared his intention to cast a write-in vote after giving extensive explanations for why he could support neither Hillary Clinton nor Donald Trump.
Krauthammer was appointed to President George W. Bush's Council on Bioethics in 2002. He supported relaxing the Bush administration's limits on federal funding of discarded human embryonic stem cell research.[44] Krauthammer supported embryonic stem cell research using embryos discarded by fertility clinics with restrictions in its applications.[45][46][47] However, he opposed human cloning.[48] He warned that scientists were beginning to develop the power of "creating a class of superhumans". A fellow member of the council, Janet D. Rowley, insists that Krauthammer's vision was still an issue far in the future and not a topic to be discussed at the present time.[49]
In March 2009, Krauthammer was invited to the signing of an executive order by President Barack Obama at the White House but declined to attend because of his fears about the cloning of human embryos and the creation of normal human embryos solely for purposes of research. He also contrasted the "moral seriousness" of Bush's stem cell address of August 9, 2001, with that of Obama's address on stem cells.[50]
When my father was dying, my mother and brother and I had to decide how much treatment to pursue. What was a better way to ascertain my father's wishes: What he checked off on a form one fine summer's day years before being stricken; or what we, who had known him intimately for decades, thought he would want? The answer is obvious.[51]
Krauthammer wrote in The Washington Post on February 20, 2014, "I'm not a global warming believer. I'm not a global warming denier." Objecting to declaring global warming settled science, he contended that much that is believed to be settled turns out not to be so.[56]
Foreign policy
Krauthammer first gained attention in the mid-1980s when he first used the phrase "Reagan Doctrine" in his Time magazine column.[57] The phrase was a reference to the American foreign policy of supporting anti-communist insurgencies around the globe (most notably Nicaragua, Angola, and Afghanistan) as a response to the Brezhnev Doctrine and reflected a U.S. foreign policy that went beyond containment of the Soviet Union to rollback of recent Soviet influence in the Third World. The policy, which was strongly supported by Heritage Foundation foreign policy analysts and other conservatives, was ultimately embraced by Reagan's senior national security and foreign policy officials. Krauthammer's description of it as the "Reagan Doctrine" has since endured.[citation needed]
In "The Poverty of Realism" (New Republic, February 17, 1986), he asserted:
that the end of American foreign policy is not just the security of the United States, but what John F. Kennedy called "the success of liberty." That means, first, defending the community of democratic nations (the repository of the liberal idea) and second, encouraging the establishment of new liberal policies at the frontier, most especially in the Third World.
The foreign policy, he argued, should be both "universal in aspiration" and "prudent in application", thus combining American idealism and realism. Over the next 20 years these ideas developed into what is now called "democratic realism".[citation needed]
In 1990, at the end the Cold War, Krauthammer wrote several articles entitled "The Unipolar Moment". Krauthammer used the term "unipolarity" to describe the world structure that was emerging with the fall of the Soviet Union, with world power residing in the "serenely dominant" Western alliance led by the United States.[27][58][59] Krauthammer predicted that the bipolar world of the Cold War would give way not to a multipolar world in which the U.S. was one of many centers of power, but a unipolar world dominated by the United States with a power gap between the most powerful state and the second most powerful state that would exceed any other in history. He also suggested that American hegemony would inevitably exist for only a historical "moment" lasting at most three or four decades.[citation needed]
Hegemony gave the United States the capacity and responsibility to act unilaterally if necessary, Krauthammer argued. Throughout the 1990s, however, he was circumspect about how that power ought to be used. He split from his neoconservative colleagues who were arguing for an interventionist policy of "American greatness". Krauthammer wrote that in the absence of a global existential threat, the United States should stay out of "teacup wars" in failed states, and instead adopt a "dry powder" foreign policy of nonintervention and readiness.[60]
Krauthammer opposed purely "humanitarian intervention" (with the exception of overt genocide). While he supported the 1991 Gulf War on the grounds of both humanitarianism and strategic necessity (preventing Saddam Hussein from gaining control of the Persian Gulf and its resources), he opposed American intervention in the Yugoslav Wars on the grounds that America should not be committing the lives of its soldiers to purely humanitarian missions in which there is no American national interest at stake.[61]
Krauthammer's major 2004 monograph on foreign policy, "Democratic Realism: An American Foreign Policy for a Unipolar World",[60] was critical both of the neoconservative Bush doctrine for being too expansive and utopian, and of foreign policy "realism" for being too narrow and immoral; instead, he proposed an alternative he called "Democratic Realism".
In a 2005 speech later published in Commentary magazine, Krauthammer called neoconservatism "a governing ideology whose time has come." He noted that the original "fathers of neoconservatism" were "former liberals or leftists". More recently, they have been joined by "realists, newly mugged by reality" such as Condoleezza Rice, Richard Cheney, and George W. Bush, who "have given weight to neoconservatism, making it more diverse and, given the newcomers' past experience, more mature".[citation needed]
In a 2008 column entitled "Charlie Gibson's Gaffe", Krauthammer elaborated on the changing meanings of the Bush Doctrine in light of Gibson's questioning of Republican vice-presidential candidate Sarah Palin regarding what exactly the Bush Doctrine was, which resulted in criticism of Palin's response. Krauthammer states that the phrase originally referred to "the unilateralism that characterized the pre-9/11 first year of the Bush administration," but elaborates, "There is no single meaning of the Bush doctrine. In fact, there have been four distinct meanings, each one succeeding another over the eight years of this administration."[62]
Israel
Krauthammer has been described as "predictably tak[ing] Israel's side and devot[ing] a significant amount of his... writing to defending steadfast U.S. support for Israel".[63] Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu described his relationship with Krauthammer as "like brothers".[64]
During the 2006 Lebanon War, Krauthammer wrote a column, "Let Israel Win the War": "What other country, when attacked in an unprovoked aggression across a recognized international frontier, is then put on a countdown clock by the world, given a limited time window in which to fight back, regardless of whether it has restored its own security?"[66] He later criticized Israeli prime minister Ehud Olmert's conduct, arguing that Olmert "has provided unsteady and uncertain leadership. Foolishly relying on air power alone, he denied his generals the ground offensive they wanted, only to reverse himself later."[67]
Krauthammer supported a two-state solution to the conflict. Unlike many conservatives, he supported Israel's Gaza withdrawal as a step toward rationalizing the frontiers between Israel and a future Palestinian state. He believed a security barrier between the two states' final borders will be an important element of any lasting peace.[68]
When Richard Goldstone retracted the claim 1+1⁄2 years after the issuance of the UN report on the 2008 Gaza war that Israel intentionally killed Palestinian civilians,[69] including children, Krauthammer strongly criticized Goldstone, saying that "this weasel-y excuse-laden retraction is too little and too late" and called "the original report a blood libel ranking with the libels of the 19th century in which Jews were accused of ritually slaughtering children in order to use the blood in rituals". Krauthammer thought that Goldstone "should spend the rest of his life undoing the damage and changing and retracting that report".[70]
9/11, Iraq, and the War on Terror
Krauthammer laid out the underlying principle of strategic necessity restraining democratic idealism in his controversial 2004 Kristol Award Lecture: "We will support democracy everywhere, but we will commit blood and treasure only in places where there is a strategic necessity—meaning, places central to the larger war against the existential enemy, the enemy that poses a global mortal threat to freedom."[60]
The 9/11 attacks, Krauthammer wrote, made clear the new existential threat and the necessity for a new interventionism. On September 12, 2001, he wrote that, if the suspicion that bin Laden was behind the attack proved correct, the United States had no choice but to go to war in Afghanistan.[71] He supported the Second Iraq War on the "realist" grounds of the strategic threat the Saddam regime posed to the region as UN sanctions were eroding and of his alleged weapons of mass destruction and on the "idealist" grounds that a self-sustaining democracy in Iraq would be a first step toward changing the poisonous political culture of tyranny, intolerance, and religious fanaticism in the Arab world that had incubated the anti-American extremism from which 9/11 emerged.[citation needed]
In October 2002, he presented what he believed were the primary arguments for and against the war, writing, "Hawks favor war on the grounds that Saddam Hussein is reckless, tyrannical, and instinctively aggressive, and that if he comes into possession of nuclear weapons in addition to the weapons of mass destruction he already has, he is likely to use them or share them with terrorists. The threat of mass death on a scale never before seen residing in the hands of an unstable madman is intolerable—and must be preempted. Doves oppose war on the grounds that the risks exceed the gains. War with Iraq could be very costly, possibly degenerating into urban warfare."
He continued: "I happen to believe that the preemption school is correct, that the risks of allowing Saddam Hussein to acquire his weapons will only grow with time. Nonetheless, I can both understand and respect those few Democrats who make the principled argument against war with Iraq on the grounds of deterrence, believing that safety lies in reliance on a proven (if perilous) balance of terror rather than the risky innovation of forcible disarmament by preemption."[72]
On the eve of the invasion, Krauthammer wrote, "Reformation and reconstruction of an alien culture are a daunting task. Risky and, yes, arrogant."[73] In February 2003, Krauthammer cautioned that "it may yet fail. But we cannot afford not to try. There is not a single, remotely plausible, alternative strategy for attacking the monster behind 9/11. It's not Osama bin Laden; it is the cauldron of political oppression, religious intolerance, and social ruin in the Arab-Islamic world—oppression transmuted and deflected by regimes with no legitimacy into virulent, murderous anti-Americanism."[60] Krauthammer in 2003 wrote that the reconstruction of Iraq would provide many benefits for the Iraqi people, once the political and economic infrastructure destroyed by Saddam was restored: "With its oil, its urbanized middle class, its educated population, its essential modernity, Iraq has a future. In two decades Saddam Hussein reduced its GDP by 75 percent. Once its political and industrial infrastructures are reestablished, Iraq's potential for rebound, indeed for explosive growth, is unlimited."[74]
On April 22, 2003, Krauthammer predicted that he would have a "credibility problem" if weapons of mass destruction were not found in Iraq within the next five months.[75]
In 2009, Krauthammer argued that the use of torture against enemy combatants was impermissible except in two contexts: (a) when "[an] innocent's life is at stake," "[the] bad guy you have captured possesses information that could save this life, [and he] refuses to divulge"; and (b) when torture may lead to "the extraction of information from a high-value enemy in possession of high-value information likely to save lives".[79][80][81][82]
Ideology
Meg Greenfield, editorial page editor for The Washington Post who edited Krauthammer's columns for 15 years, called his weekly column "independent and hard to peg politically. It's a very tough column. There's no 'trendy' in it. You never know what is going to happen next."[18]Hendrik Hertzberg, also a former colleague of Krauthammer while they worked at The New Republic in the 1980s, said that when the two first met in 1978, Krauthammer was "70 percent Mondale liberal, 30 percent 'Scoop Jackson Democrat', that is, hard-line on Israel and relations with the Soviet Union"; in the mid-1980s, he was still "50–50: fairly liberal on economic and social questions but a full-bore foreign-policy neoconservative". Hertzberg in 2009 called Krauthammer a "pretty solid 90–10 Republican".[83] Krauthammer was described by some as having been a conservative.[84][85]
Presidential elections
A few days before the 2012 United States presidential election, Krauthammer predicted it would be "very close" with Republican candidate Mitt Romney winning the "popular [vote] by, I think, about half a point, Electoral College probably a very narrow margin".[86] Although admitting his incorrect prediction, Krauthammer maintained, "Obama won but had no mandate. He won by going very small, very negative."[87]
In July 2017 following the release by Donald Trump Jr. of the email chain about the Trump Tower meeting on June 9, 2016, Krauthammer opined that even bungled collusion is still collusion.[89][90]
Religion
Krauthammer received a rigorous Jewish education. He attended a school where half the day was devoted to secular studies and half the day was devoted to religious education conducted in Hebrew. By the time he graduated from high school at the age of 16, Krauthammer was able to write philosophical essays in Hebrew. His father demanded that he learn Talmud; in addition to his school's required Talmud studies, Krauthammer took extra Talmud classes three days a week. This was not enough for his father who hired a rabbi to provide private instruction on the Talmud three nights a week.[12]
Krauthammer's attachment to Judaism was strengthened through his study of Maimonides at McGill University under Rabbi David Hartman. Krauthammer said, "I had discovered the world, and was going to leave all of this [Judaism] behind, because I was too sophisticated for it. And then in my third year I took Hartman's course in Maimonides, and I'm thinking this is pretty serious stuff. It stands up to the Greeks, stands up to the philosophers of the age, and it gave me sort of a renewed commitment to and respect for my own tradition, which I already knew, but was ready to throw away. And I didn't throw it away as a result of that encounter."[12]
Krauthammer stated that "atheism is the least plausible of all theologies. I mean, there are a lot of wild ones out there, but the one that clearly runs so contrary to what is possible, is atheism".[91]
Krauthammer was critical of intelligent design, "a self-enclosed, tautological 'theory' whose only holding is that when there are gaps in some area of scientific knowledge — in this case, evolution — they are to be filled by God. It is a 'theory' that admits that evolution and natural selection explain such things as the development of drug resistance in bacteria and other such evolutionary changes within species, but that every once in a while God steps into this world of constant and accumulating change and says, 'I think I'll make me a lemur today.' A 'theory' that violates the most basic requirement of anything pretending to be science — that it be empirically disprovable." Of Kitzmiller v. Dover Area School District, he wrote: "Dover distinguished itself this Election Day by throwing out all eight members of its school board who tried to impose 'intelligent design' — today's tarted-up version of creationism — on the biology curriculum." Of the Kansas evolution hearings, he wrote: "In order to justify the farce that intelligent design is science, Kansas had to corrupt the very definition of science, dropping the phrase 'natural explanations for what we observe in the world around us,' thus unmistakably implying — by fiat of definition, no less — that the supernatural is an integral part of science. This is an insult both to religion and to science." He concluded:
How ridiculous to make evolution the enemy of God. What could be more elegant, more simple, more brilliant, more economical, more creative, indeed more divine than a planet with millions of life forms, distinct and yet interactive, all ultimately derived from accumulated variations in a single double-stranded molecule, pliable and fecund enough to give us mollusks and mice, Newton and Einstein? Even if it did give us the Kansas State Board of Education, too.[93]
Krauthammer criticized President George W. Bush's 2005 nomination of Harriet Miers to succeed Supreme Court Justice Sandra Day O'Connor. He called the nomination of Miers a "mistake" on several occasions. He noted her lack of constitutional experience as the main obstacle to her nomination.[citation needed]
On October 21, 2005, Krauthammer published "Miers: The Only Exit Strategy",[95] in which he explained that all of Miers's relevant constitutional writings are protected by both attorney–client privilege and executive privilege, which presented a unique face-saving solution to the mistake: "Miers withdraws out of respect for both the Senate and the executive's prerogatives."[96] Six days later, Miers withdrew, employing that argument:
As I stated in my acceptance remarks in the Oval Office, the strength and independence of our three branches of government are critical to the continued success of this great Nation. Repeatedly in the course of the process of confirmation for nominees for other positions, I have steadfastly maintained that the independence of the Executive Branch be preserved and its confidential documents and information not be released to further a confirmation process. I feel compelled to adhere to this position, especially related to my own nomination. Protection of the prerogatives of the Executive Branch and continued pursuit of my confirmation are in tension. I have decided that seeking my confirmation should yield.[97]
The same day, NPR noted, "Krauthammer's scenario played out almost exactly as he wrote."[98] Columnist E. J. Dionne wrote that the White House was following Krauthammer's strategy "almost to the letter".[99] A few weeks later, The New York Times reported that Krauthammer's "exit strategy" was "exactly what happened" and that Krauthammer "had no prior inkling from the administration that they were taking that route; he was later given credit for giving the Bush administration a plan."[100]
Other issues
Krauthammer was an opponent of capital punishment,[101][102] writing: "there is no convincing evidence that the death penalty deters. Murder rates in states with the death penalty are just as high as in neighboring states without it. In states where the death penalty has been introduced, murder rates do not, on average, go down. And in states where the death penalty has been abolished, murder rates do not go up. When something as barbaric as cold-blooded execution by the state makes no appreciable contribution to public safety, it deserves abolition."[103][104]
Krauthammer's New Republic essays won him the "National Magazine Award for Essays and Criticism".[3] The weekly column he began writing for The Washington Post in 1985 won him the Pulitzer Prize for commentary in 1987.[107] On June 14, 1993, he was awarded the Honorary degree of Doctor of Letters from McGill University.[108]
In 1999, Krauthammer received the Golden Plate Award of the American Academy of Achievement. His acceptance speech at the 1999 Summit in Washington, D.C., is included in his book, The Point of It All: A Lifetime of Great Loves and Endeavors, published after his death.[109]
In 2006, the Financial Times named Krauthammer the most influential commentator in America,[26] stating that "Krauthammer has influenced US foreign policy for more than two decades."
In 2009, Politico columnist Ben Smith wrote that Krauthammer had "emerged in the Age of Obama as a central conservative voice, the kind of leader of the opposition that economist and New York Times columnist Paul Krugman represented for the left during the Bush years: a coherent, sophisticated and implacable critic of the new president."[110] In 2010, The New York Times columnist David Brooks said Krauthammer was "the most important conservative columnist."[111] In 2011, former congressman and MSNBC host Joe Scarborough called him "without a doubt the most powerful force in American conservatism. He has [been] for two, three, four years."[112]
In a December 2010, press conference, former president Bill Clinton – a Democrat – called Krauthammer "a brilliant man".[113] Krauthammer responded, tongue-in-cheek, that "my career is done" and "I'm toast."[114] Krauthammer also received the William F. Buckley Award for Media Excellence in 2013.[115]
^ abHall, Carolo (August 17, 1984). "Don't Call It Courage". The Washington Post. Archived from the original on July 30, 2017. Retrieved July 29, 2017.
^ abKrauthammer, Charles (January 27, 2006). "Marcel, My Brother". The Washington Post. Archived from the original on December 25, 2015. Retrieved December 24, 2015.
^Krauthammer, Charles (August 21, 2009). "The Truth About Death Counseling". The Washington Post. Archived from the original on November 8, 2012. Retrieved August 21, 2009.
^"The Oil-Bust Panic" by Charles Krauthammer, The New Republic, February 21, 1983.
^Krauthammer, Charles (February 20, 2014). "The myth of 'settled science'". The Washington Post. Archived from the original on February 24, 2014. Retrieved February 24, 2014.
^Mearsheimer, J.J.; Walt, S.M. (2008). The Israel Lobby and US Foreign Policy. Penguin Books Limited. ISBN978-0-14-192066-5. Retrieved January 5, 2023. But a journalist or scholar who predictably takes Israel's side and devotes a significant amount of his or her writing to defending steadfast U.S. support for Israel — such as the Washington Post columnist Charles Krauthammer...
^Krauthammer, Charles (July 10, 2006). "Remember What Happened Here". Time. Vol. 168, no. 2. p. 76. Archived from the original on April 30, 2009. Retrieved September 6, 2009.
^Krauthammer, Charles (August 4, 2006). "Israel's Lost Moment". The Washington Post. Archived from the original on May 15, 2011. Retrieved April 28, 2010.
^Krauthammer, Charles (February 17, 2003). "Coming Ashore". Time. Vol. 161, no. 7. p. 37. Archived from the original on January 8, 2012. Retrieved September 6, 2009.
^Krauthammer, Charles (September 19, 2003). "Democrats and Nation-Building". The Washington Post. Archived from the original on September 19, 2008. Retrieved July 20, 2007.
^Bill, Steigerwald (May 29, 2004). "So, what is a 'neocon'?". Pittsburgh Tribune. Archived from the original on February 15, 2009. Retrieved April 8, 2009.
^"Hannity (segment)". FNC Video. Foxnews.com. November 3, 2012. Archived from the original on May 11, 2013. Retrieved May 7, 2013.
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يفتقر محتوى هذه المقالة إلى الاستشهاد بمصادر. فضلاً، ساهم في تطوير هذه المقالة من خلال إضافة مصادر موثوق بها. أي معلومات غير موثقة يمكن التشكيك بها وإزالتها. (ديسمبر 2018) قرية امدريب - قرية - تقسيم إداري البلد اليمن المحافظة محافظة أبين المديرية مديرية لودر العز…
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Однажды в сказкеангл. Once Upon a Time Жанры фэнтезиприключениядрамаромантика Создатели Адам Хоровиц и Эдвард Китсис В главных ролях Джиннифер ГудвинДженнифер МоррисонЛана ПаррияДжошуа ДалласДжаред ГилморРоберт КарлайлРафаэль СбарджДжейми ДорнанЭйон БэйлиМеган ОриЭмил…
In biology, any group of fish that stay together for social reasons This article is about shoaling and schooling fish. For other uses, see Shoal (disambiguation) and School (disambiguation). School of fish redirects here. For the alternative rock band, see School of Fish. Shoaling and schoolingThese powder blue tangs are shoaling. They are swimming somewhat independently, but in such a way that they stay connected, forming a social group.These bluestripe snapper are schooling. They are all swimm…
20th-century total solar eclipse Solar eclipse of February 5, 1962MapType of eclipseNatureTotalGamma0.2107Magnitude1.043Maximum eclipseDuration248 s (4 min 8 s)Coordinates4°12′S 178°06′E / 4.2°S 178.1°E / -4.2; 178.1Max. width of band147 km (91 mi)Times (UTC)Greatest eclipse0:12:38ReferencesSaros130 (49 of 73)Catalog # (SE5000)9424 A total solar eclipse occurred on Monday[1], February 5, 1962. A solar eclipse occurs when …
Skema geografi Perserikatan Bangsa-Bangsa untuk Amerika Amerika Utara Amerika Tengah Karibia Amerika Selatan Berikut adalah daftar subwilayah di skema geografi Perserikatan Bangsa-Bangsa untuk Amerika.[1] Di skema ini, benua Amerika Utara dibagi menjadi subwilayah Amerika bagian utara, Karibia, dan Amerika Tengah. Amerika Latin dan Karibia Artikel utama: Amerika Latin dan Karibia Karibia Anguilla Antigua dan Barbuda Aruba Bahama Barbados Bo…
Kerajaan Kutai Martapura399–1635Ibu kotaMuara kaman, Kalimantan TimurBahasa yang umum digunakanBahasa Sansekerta (Gerejawi), Bahasa Kutai (Umum)Agama Hindu (Resmi Dan Umum), Kaharingan, AnimismePemerintahanMonarkiSri Maharaja • Abad 4 masehi Kundungga• Abad 4 masehi Aswawarman• Abad 5 masehi Mulawarman• Abad 16 masehi Dermasatria Sejarah • Didirikan 399• Dianeksasi oleh Kutai Kertanegara 1635 Digantikan oleh krjKerajaan Tarumanegara kslK…
Military operation Operation Dawn of Gulf of AdenPart of Piracy in Somalia, Operation Ocean Shield, Operation Enduring Freedom – Horn of AfricaSouth Korean commandos raid the chemical tanker, MV Samho Jewelry, during Operation Dawn of Gulf of Aden.Date18–21 January 2011[1]LocationArabian Sea, near the Gulf of Aden14°30′N 56°30′E / 14.5°N 56.5°E / 14.5; 56.5Result South Korean victory All 21 hostages safely rescuedBelligerents Republic of Korea Na…
For the film, see Pokémon the Movie: I Choose You! 1st episode of the 1st season of Pokémon Pokémon, I Choose You!Pokémon episodeAsh Ketchum with his newly received Pokémon, Pikachu. Professor Oak is seen in the background.Episode no.Season 1Episode 1Directed byMasamitsu Hidaka[1]Written byTakeshi Shudo[1]Original air dateApril 1, 1997 (1997-04-01)Episode chronology ← Previous— Next →Pokémon Emergency! List of episodes Pokémon, I Cho…
Untuk orang lain dengan nama yang sama, lihat Vladimir Kozlov (disambiguasi). Vladimir KozlovNama lahirOleg Aleksandrovich PrudiusLahir27 April 1979 (umur 44)[1]Kyiv, RSS Ukraina, Soviet UnionTempat tinggalBal Harbour, Florida,Amerika SerikatKarier gulat profesionalNama ringAlexander Kozlov[2]Oleg Prudius[3]Vladimir Kozlov[3][4]Tinggi6 ft 4 in (193 cm)[4]Berat302 pon (137 kg)[4]Asal dariMoscow, Russia[4]…
Serie B 1960-1961 Competizione Serie B Sport Calcio Edizione 29ª Organizzatore Lega Nazionale Professionisti Date dal 25 settembre 1960all'11 giugno 1961 Luogo Italia Partecipanti 20 Formula girone unico Risultati Vincitore Venezia(1º titolo) Altre promozioni Ozo MantovaPalermo Retrocessioni TriestinaFoggia & InceditMarzotto Valdagno Statistiche Miglior marcatore Giovanni Fanello (26) Incontri disputati 381 Cronologia della competizione 1959-1960 1961-1962 Manuale La Se…
العلاقات الأمريكية الطاجيكستانية الولايات المتحدة طاجيكستان الولايات المتحدة طاجيكستان تعديل مصدري - تعديل العلاقات الأمريكية الطاجيكستانية هي العلاقات الثنائية التي تجمع بين الولايات المتحدة وطاجيكستان.[1][2][3][4][5] مقارنة بين البلدي…
العلاقات السيشلية الليبية سيشل ليبيا سيشل ليبيا تعديل مصدري - تعديل العلاقات السيشلية الليبية هي العلاقات الثنائية التي تجمع بين سيشل وليبيا.[1][2][3][4][5] مقارنة بين البلدين هذه مقارنة عامة ومرجعية للدولتين: وجه المقارنة سيشل ليبيا المساح…